Thesis (M.S.)--Boston University / Since 1979 thousands of Southeast Asians have sought resettlement in the United States. The cultural framework of these people is evidenced in their health belief system. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with ten Khmer refugees in order to elicit their beliefs about the causes of symptoms they have experienced. It was found chat both natural and supernatural causes were attributed to their illness. The concept of k'chall, bad air in the body, vas very important in the health belief systems of the Khmer respondents.

This thesis in Peace and Conflict addresses the development and impacts of the Islamic organisation Boko Haram in the context of frustration-aggression and complexity theories. It investigates the overall phenomenon of terrorism, reviews Boko Haram’s context within other terrorist organisations, and the impact that Boko Haram has had in the development of the humanitarian crisis in Nigeria. Local and regional response to threats by Boko Haram is considered, as well as Boko Haram’s recent pledge to the ISIL terrorist organisation. The Boko Haram (BH) Islamic fundamentalist emerged in Nigeria in 2002 with the idea of turning Nigeria into an Islamic country to be ruled by the Sharia law. Other reasons were hatred for the West and adverse domestic factors in the north-east where the group has been more prevalent. The domestic-based insurgent group established links with some international terrorist organizations (ITOs) such as Al-Qaeda, AQIM and Al-Shabaab and became more sophisticated in its attacks and tactics which made it to threaten the national security of Nigeria in the destruction of lives and properties. This paper seeks to argue the evolution Boko Haram arising from some domestic factors prevalent in the north-east of Nigeria; and then conclude with some measures to be in place to put an end to the criminality perpetuated by the group in the country with the ability to seriously threaten the security of the state and the society. Finally, suggestions for policy recommendations to the Nigerian government are made.

A defining feature of humanitarian crises is their unpredictable nature, making them interesting sites to analyse how accounting systems can facilitate engagement with the unexpected. This thesis explores the question of how evaluation systems can be designed and practiced to engage with the complexities of humanitarian crisis settings, in which the potential for disastrous errors is overwhelming. Informed by empirical research on the management practices in a large-scale refugee camp, the study investigates principles and tactics that allow humanitarian evaluation systems to make a resource of the inevitable ambiguity and incompleteness that define their contexts. In doing so, the thesis draws from and further develops the concept of heterarchy, defined as ‘governance through difference’, and shows how it provides promising insights for accounting research. To explain how evaluation systems can become performable in the dynamic humanitarian environments, the study theorizes four interlinked principles that emerge from the empirical findings. These principles are: (1) in-built tensions between evaluation dimensions; (2) open and participatory design; (3) relational value and incompleteness; and (4) enacting minimalist control through a community of practitioners. In doing so, the study makes three contributions. Firstly, the study contributes to the accounting literature on the enabling role of ambiguity by theorizing how evaluation systems can foster approaches and techniques that embrace ambiguity as a resource to engage with complex settings. Secondly, it further develops the notion of heterarchy by explicating how heterarchical tensions can become productive without leading to chaos and by theorizing additional principles that are necessary to sustain heterarchies in an organized fashion. Thirdly, departing from the emerging literature on humanitarian crises that primarily focuses on how accounting systems can be used to normalize and control disaster settings, the thesis advances understanding of how accounting technologies can serve as anomalizing devices for the adaptive management of crises.

The concept of Humanitarian Military Interventions has become a core issue within the international community since the 1990s. Human rights violations carried out on a massive scale are no longer perceived as purely domestic concerns but are now recognized as a central concern of the international community. This study of four cases of HMI -Somalia, Rwanda, Haiti and East Timor- is intended to shed the light on two political factors that play a determining role in HMI: the national interests of the interveners and the level of neutrality of the operations. I argue that the level of success of HMI is highly dependent on the presence of national interests in the region for the interveners and a low level of neutrality. This thesis also reflects on the ongoing challenges facing the international community regarding the most efficient ways to address massive human rights violations and presents suggestions towards addressing them.

Ce travail cherche à comprendre en quoi les causes de l’instabilité sécuritaire de la région des Grands Lacs sont rationnelles et interdépendantes, en dépit d’explications simplistes largement répandues (déterminisme ethnique, violence endogène, cupidité, etc.). Il s’agit donc d’identifier ces causes, pour saisir les mécanismes des conflits récurrents qui secouent la région dans notre période d’étude. Nous entendons ainsi étudier la modernité du phénomène insurrectionnel en Afrique, en nous attachant à l’analyse de ses différentes expressions dans la région des Grands Lacs, qui a hébergé de 1981 à 2013 des exemples empruntant à toutes ses évolutions contemporaines / This work seeks to understand how the causes of chronic insecurity in the Great Lakes region are both rational and interdependent, despite widespread simplistic explanations (ethnic determinism, endogenous violence, greed, etc.). We intend to identify these causes to better understand the mechanisms behind the recurring conflicts that shook the region in the period under study. In doing this, we gain greater understanding of contemporary insurrectionary practices and the evolutions of guerrilla tactics in Africa through their expression in rebel movements in the Great Lakes between 1981 and 2013

The aim of the diploma thesis is to propose assorted variants of the cold chain solution for the humanitarian projects in Iraq. Another target is to carry out a systematic analysis of Iraqi infrastructure. The application part is based on a personal interviews and information provided by the organization Doctors Without Borders. This data were supported by secondary and publicly available data and their subsequent processing and evaluation. Another aim pose the fact that ongoing humanitarian projects in some country do not automatically mean that the country has unusable infrastructure. These conclusions are not based on the outcomes and internal policies of organization Doctors Without Borders. At the end of the thesis, there are also presented proposals for future research in the field of humanitarian logistics and the outlines of the possible constraints related to them.

“That there are no humanitarian solutions to human problems” David Rieff (2002) states.  Proceeding from this argument, perhaps the solutions are compatible with the nature of the factors causing the problem. Thus, it is necessary to understand the dynamics of the factors that caused and exacerbated the crisis. Wars and their political factors are one of the most important causes of humanitarian crises in the current era. So, the thesis presents a dual political and humanitarian vision that aims to understand the humanitarian crisis in a particular region from the background of the intertwining of the international and local relations of the conflict, to discover the impact of these issues on the humanitarian crises.   This thesis uses Al-Hasakah Governorate in northeastern Syria as a case study, focusing on the humanitarian crisis in this region resulting from the autonomy conflict which is represented by the conflict of some Kurdish factions against the Syrian government to obtain autonomy through imposing military control. In that context, the research sheds light on external intervention and the role played by international actors in this conflict. The conclusions indicate how the conflict and its political nature which moved from the local level to the international through external intervention, plus the conflicting geopolitical interests led to the spread of most types of violence, exacerbated the humanitarian crisis, and created challenges for the humanitarian response.

This diploma work "Participation of UN in humanitarian crisis caused by armed conflict, focused on humanitarian intervention" devotes to problems with using humanitarian intervention as one of the most controversial measures, that were reaction to humanitarian crisis, caused by armed conflicts. It focuses on humanitarian intervention of first half of 90's, when this concept was stigmatised by unsuccessful solutions to armed conflicts in Rwanda and Somalia. It tries to reveal fouls, which UN committed in these conflicts and maps out the pretences at balancing with these fouls and taking instruction to the future. Furthermore it devotes to questions which using concept of humanitarian intervention stired up and new concept Responsiblity to protect is also gone with the same questions. This work maps out measures of UN, which are using in case of armed conflicts and shift of opinion from the term humanitarian intervention to concept Responsibility to protect, which implemention is stiring up lively discussion. Nevertheless this concept was unanimously voted by all member countries in Summit OSN 2005. Efforts of international security and peace with be ever actual issue a this issue should be at front of all people's interest.

Cette thèse étudie les politiques de sécurité et de défense développées dans la corne de l’Afrique. Notre objectif principal est de montrer qu’en Somalie, en Érythrée, en Éthiopie et à Djibouti les facteurs politiques, historiques, économiques et sociaux se combinent pour expliquer la situation d’insécurité totale qui règne dans la région. Sa position géostratégique fait d’elle, une zone très convoitée pour mieux lutter contre le terrorisme et la piraterie. Cet avantage géographique est peu rentabilisé à cause des guerres civiles, des contentieux territoriaux et des catastrophes naturelles qui ont engendré l’une des plus grandes crises humanitaires et alimentaires au monde. Devant cet état de fait, les politiques de sécurité et défense, qu’elles soient régionales et continentale, semblent être impuissantes. Les échecs de ces politiques découlent, d’une part ; des discordes entre les chefs d’État et, d’autre part ; du manque de moyens financiers des États, de l’Union africaine et de ses organismes sous régionaux (l’IGAD et le COMESA). En étudiant le cas de Djibouti, nous montrerons que la politique de sécurité nationale souffre de plusieurs maux. En effet, la corruption, le clientélisme, le tribalisme et le détournement des deniers publics affaiblissent la politique sécuritaire et incitent les populations appauvries aux soulèvements. Djibouti, étant l’un des pays le plus stable de la région, constitue un baromètre pour mieux mesurer les nouvelles menaces qui déstabiliseraient la zone. Pays limitrophes des foyers du terrorisme et de la piraterie, il est le choix d’implantation, par excellence, des bases militaires françaises, américaines, japonaise et de plusieurs autres contingents. Ainsi, en bénéficiant de l’aide et de la protection de ces États, il devient, par conséquent, une cible des groupes terroristes. L’apport sécuritaire et économique des bases sont indéniables. Cependant, elles ne manquent pas d’impacter négativement sur son environnement social. / This thesis studies the politics of security and defence that have been developed in the Horn of Africa. Our main objective is to show that in Somalia, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Djibouti there are political, historical, economical and sociological factors that explain the prevailing insecurity within the region. Its geostrategic position makes it a coveted area for fighting terrorism and piracy. Nevertheless this geographical advantage is not as profitable as it could be because of civil wars, boundary disputes and natural disasters that have generated one of the world’s biggest humanitarian and food crisis. Security and defence policies, whether regional or continental, have shown to be powerless when facing these realities. The failures of these policies are due to disagreements between Heads of State and to the lack of financial resources within States, the African Union and its sub-regional agencies such as IGAD and COMESA. By studying the case of Djibouti we will prove that national security policies have been weakened by corruption, clientelism and tribalism, which has lead to the insurgence of the impoverished population. Because Djibouti is one of the most stable States in the region, it serves as a barometer that measures new treats to the stability of the zone. As a neighbouring country to the hotbeds of terrorism and piracy, Djibouti is where the French, the American and the Japanese have settled their military bases; it has also consequently become the target of terrorist groups. The military bases have certainly improved the security and the economy of the area but they have also had a negative impact on its social environment.

This master's thesis analyses the different narratives constructed by three actors, towards the war in Yemen. The thesis will draw on the constructivist theory to answer the question: how do different actors construct the war in Yemen and the humanitarian crisis in their discourses and narratives? To answer this question, the theoretical part defines different concepts, such as identity, norms, national interest, strategic narrative and discourse. It presents the constructivist understanding of identity as a social construction, shaped by collective components of knowledge, symbols, language and norms. The empirical part attempts to identify the narratives constructed by the Houthis, Saudi Arabia and the EU towards the war in Yemen, which provoked a Saudi-led military intervention when the Houthis seized the capital and declared the establishment of a new government in March 2015. The Houthis consider the intervention as an aggression to Yemen and as the main cause of suffering of the Yemeni people. Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia presents the crisis as Iran's attempt to control the country and spread its influence throughout the region. Furthermore, Saudi Arabia argues that it intervened only as a response to the demands of the internationally recognized government under president Hadi. Finally, the EU...