The main purpose of the work is to analyze the most important aspects of post war development in Great Britain. My attention will be focused primarily on measures taken by the Labour government, which for the first time in history came to power. In second part I will describe the building of the welfare state from the World War II until the end of 80's of the 20th century, when Margaret Thatcher was elected to be the prime minister. In the third part of the work I will analyze her impact on the economic conversion of Great Britain from Keynesianism to Monetarist doctrine of free market forces and responsibility of each individual for his / her fate. The government of Margaret Thatcher has set a new direction, which becomes the inspiration for many other politicians around the world. In the end of the work, I will describe the circumstances which led to the resignation of the first female prime minister in the history of Great Britain.

The thesis presents a comparative analysis of the Scottish and Welsh Labour Party's position. The work is focuses on the change of regional party's branches after devolution, which the Labour Party introduced in 1999. At the decentralized level was created a new devolved institution, a new party system and a new electoral system, which has brought the possibility of coalition government. These changes were meant a big challenge for the party. The party must adapt to new conditions and change access to regional affiliates. The changes are analyzed according to the theoretical framework created by J. Hopkin and supplemented by the theory of Laffin, Shaw and Taylor. Areas of party activities are being explored, such as election of candidates, electoral and governmental strategies, election leaders, organization and party financing, and party status in a party system based on elections to the Westminster and Regional Parliament or National Assembly. The thesis briefly describes history of the Labour Party and its organization, which is necessary for analysis after devolutional position of the party. There is briefly described the devolution itself in the British environment and the emergence and system of newly established legislative institutions, including the electoral system.

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The thesis is focused on the analysis of national party organizational adaptation to political decentralization, specifically of internal change in the Labour Party. The main aim of this case study is to find the degree to which the devolution influence Labour party internal organization and strengthen the role of Welsh Labour. The thesis assumes a certain shift in the position of the Welsh Labour Party within the party structures, this change is placed in context of decentralization reform in Great Britain. Based on the defined factors, which are set out in the introduction, the thesis examines the changes in the party internal structure and the transfer of powers towards its regional branch - the Welsh Labour. The aim of the thesis is not only to find whether the decentralization reform had an impact on the internal party organization, but also to present other possible factors of this change and outline further possible research.

Research on social movements has traditionally addressed issues of movement emergence and mobilisation, paying little attention to their outcomes and consequences. Moreover, despite research on the political consequences of social movements accelerating in recent years, much has been left under researched, no more so than the impact social movements have on one of the most important actors in liberal democracies: political parties. This paper extends social movement research by examining whether social movements have an impact on political parties and under what conditions impact is more likely to take place. The empirical analysis, investigating whether anti-austerity social movements have had an impact on social democratic parties in Ireland and Spain during the years 2011 to 2016, suggests that the relationship between social movements and political parties is both under-theorised and under-researched, and mistakenly so. The paper finds that while parties are more likely to be influenced by social movements when certain conditions are present, social movements can also have unintended impacts on parties. Ultimately, this paper encourages research on political parties, and particularly research on party change, to pay greater attention to social movements and for social movement research to pay greater attention to political parties.

The first two chapters examine the party's policy towards the wage-stop and the poverty trap. Until 1963 the party ignored the wage-stop but from then until 1975 a section of the party campaigned against the regulation expressing moral revulsion and concern about its administration but only rarely opposition to the principle. A Labour government removed the stop when its operation affected only a tiny minority of families. The party was quickly involved in the development of the poverty trap debate being particularly drawn to its disincentive characteristics, but Labour governments, like their Conservative counterparts, soon came to regard the idea as a mere statistical abstraction. After confirming the party's historical ambivalence about Family Allowances the thesis demonstrated that whenever it advocated allowances it did so because it believed the programme would alleviate family poverty rather than augment work incentives. However Labour governments consistently upheld the principle of substitutability, thus conferring de facto support on that less-eligibility dimension of Family Allowances which Macnicol has established informed the coalition government's decision to legislate for the programme in 1945. Despite the party's opposition to Family Income Supplement it became an important element in the Labour government's anti-poverty strategy after the Child Benefits debate in 1976. F.I.S. was criticised because of its contribution to the poverty trap and its potential for assisting in the pauperisation of the low paid, while Child Benefit was supported because it appeared to be a more equitable technique of delivering support to families with dependent children although some in the party were sensitive to the scheme's potential link with improved work incentives. In general, the Labour Party is seen to have failed to develop any coherent and sustained alternative to the ideas and programmes of its political opponents in this critical area of social policy.

ABSTRACT SOCIALIST PERSPECTIVES ON FOREIGN POLICY ISSUES: THE CASE OF TiP IN THE 1960s Serpil G&uuml / ven&ccedil / M.S., Department of Public Administration and Political Sciences Supervisor: Assist. Prof. Dr. Galip Yalman December 2005, 207 pages In this study, the foreign policy perspectives of the Turkish socialist left during the 1960s are evaluated. TiP (Turkish Labour Party) is chosen as a case study and its theoretical approach and practical proposals pertinent to Turkey / USA relations, Turkey / USSR relations, Turkey / European Union relations and the Cyprus Problem are discussed by comparison to some domestic and foreign political parties and important left wing currents of the period in question.

Thesis (M.A.)--Carleton University, 1996. / Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

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The Labour Party was a prominent political party amongst coloured people for more than twenty-five years. Formed in 1965 to contest elections for the Coloured Persons' Representative Council (CRC), the Labour Party at the outset adopted an anti-apartheid, anti-separate representation and anti-eRe stance. During the first five years of its existence, the party tried to muster coloured support for its policies. Its promise to cripple the CRC by refusing to occupy seats in the council became the rallying call. The Labour Party won a majority of the elected seats in the first CRC election in 1969 but the government nominated progovernment candidates to all the nominated seats, depriving the Labour Party of an overall majority. Thwarted in their bid to "wreck" the CRC, Labour Party members instead took their seats in the council, vowing to destroy it from within. For the next five years the Labour Party pursued a policy of "confrontation. " By using a "boycott" strategy, it not only hamstrung the effective working of the CRC but thwarted the government in other areas of its "coloured" policy. In the 1975 election the Labour Party won an outright victory, giving it the power to cripple the CRC. However, it did not seize this opportunity. Its decision to "govern" in the CRC constituted a decisive step in the change from confrontation to cooptation. The Labour Party's continued support of the CRC drew widespread criticism from supporters and opponents alike. Its leaders tried to hold together a disaffected party and eventually agreed to the dissolution of the CRC in 1980 in an effort to paper over the cracks in party unity, and to forestall growing coloured opposition to the CRC at the next election. In 1983, the Labour Party displayed a decisive shift in its anti-separate representation stance by lending support to the tricameral system. By doing so, it laid itself open to the same charge of collaboration it had levelled at the other CRC parties. This thesis will examine the history of the Labour Party from its formation in 1965 as an anti-government party, to one of cooperation with its erstwhile opponent by 1984.