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Physical design for testability (PDFT) is a strategy to design circuits in a way to avoid or reduce realistic physical faults. The goal of this work is to define and establish a speci c methodology for PDFT. The proposed design methodology includes techniques to reduce potential bridging faults in complementary metal-oxide-semiconductor (CMOS) circuits. To compare faults, the design process utilizes a new parameter called the fault index. The fault index for a particular fault is the probability of occurrence of the fault divided by the testability of the fault. Faults with the highest fault indices are considered the worst faults and are targeted by the PDFT design process to eliminate them or reduce their probability of occurrence. An implementation of the PDFT design process is constructed using several new tools in addition to other "off-the-shelf" tools. The first tool developed in this work is a testability measure tool for bridging faults. Two other tools are developed to eliminate or reduce the probability of occurrence of bridging faults with high fault indices. The row enhancer targets faults inside the logic elements of the circuit, while the channel enhancer targets faults inside the routing part of the circuit. To demonstrate the capabilities and test the eff ectiveness of the PDFT design process, this work conducts an experiment which includes designing three CMOS circuits from the ISCAS 1985 benchmark circuits. Several layouts are generated for every circuit. Every layout, except the rst one, utilizes information from the previous layout to minimize the probability of occurrence for faults with high fault indices. Experimental results show that the PDFT design process successfully achieves two goals of PDFT, providing layouts with fewer faults and minimizing the probability of occurrence of hard-to-test faults. Improvement in the total fault index was about 40 percent in some cases, while improvement in total critical area was about 30 percent in some cases. However, virtually all the improvements came from using the row enhancer; the channel enhancer provided only marginal improvements. / Ph. D.

No description available.

This thesis considers the position of the British financial sector in the economic strategy of social democracy during the 1960s and 1970s. In doing so it attempts to shed light on a broader question – what caused the collapse of the postwar social democratic project in Britain during the final quarter of the twentieth century? It contends that the social democratic project faced a variety of challenges to its principles, assumptions, and practices in the two decades prior to the election of Margaret Thatcher as a result of changes to the financial system. These challenges offered opportunities for the advance of social democracy beyond the norms established following the Second World War, but the capacity to pursue these was constrained in a number of ways. The emergence of institutional investment, and the breakdown of the postwar banking settlement, undermined the social democratic methods for managing and controlling credit and investment, yet also offered the opportunity to advance the State’s capacity to intervene in the economy. However the ability of the left to renew and rebuild the social democratic economic project along more advanced, interventionist lines was limited by new material constraints which made extensive reform of the financial system and the domestic economy extremely difficult. Structural changes to the international financial system following the breakdown of the Bretton Woods settlement, combined with the severe economic crisis of the 1970s, imposed new limits on the freedom of governments to engage in domestic-focused macroeconomic management. As the methods and techniques of social democratic economic strategy became less effective, the ideal of developing an advanced industrial economy through State coordination faded. In its place a new conception of the British economy was promoted which sought to revive its historic liberal and internationalist role in which the City of London was at its heart.

This thesis explores the shifting political culture of inter-war Scotland and Britain via an examination of political identities and practice in Aberdeen, Dundee and Edinburgh. Drawing on the local and national archives of the Labour movement and the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) alongside government records, newspapers, personal testimony and visual sources, relations on the political Left are used as a means to evaluate this change. It is contended that, as a result of the extension of the franchise and post-war fears of a rise in political extremism, national party loyalties came to replace those local political identities, embedded in a sense of class, trade and place, which had previously sustained popular radicalism. This had crucial implications for the conduct of politics, as local customs of popular political participation declined, and British politics came to be defined by national elections. The thesis is structured in two parts. The first section considers the extent to which local identities of class and established provincial understandings of popular democracy came to be identified with an appeal to class sentiment excluded from national political debate. The second section delineates the repercussions this shift had for how and where politics was conducted, as the mass franchise discredited popular traditions of protest, removing politics from public view, and privileging the individual elector. In consequence, the confrontational traditions of popular politics came to be the preserve of those operating on the fringes of politics, especially the CPGB, and, as such, largely disappeared from British political culture. This thesis thus offers an important reassessment of the relationship between the public and politics in modern Britain, of the tensions between local and national loyalties, and of the role of place in the construction of political identities.

Dans les années 1990, le rock britannique revient sur le devant de la scène, porté par des groupes tels Blur, Oasis, Pulp et Suede, que la presse rassemble sous l'étiquette Britpop. Non contents de s'inspirer des grands groupes locaux des années 1960, comme les Beatles, ces musiciens se distinguent par une écriture et une image profondément ancrées dans leur propre identité britannique, et évoquent volontiers dans leurs chansons le mode de vie de la jeunesse comme la culture de la classe ouvrière. Cette renaissance sur les plans musical et culturel (participant au phénomène Cool Britannia) est contemporaine de la rénovation de l'idéologie et de l'image du Parti travailliste, qui devient New Labour sous la férule de Tony Blair, intéressé par la vision positive de la britannicité dépeinte par la Britpop. Dans la course aux élections législatives de 1997, le chef de l'opposition cherche à présenter son parti comme jeune et moderne, et se rapproche des acteurs de la scène rock de l'époque dans le but de courtiser l'électorat jeune qui fait défaut à la gauche depuis les années 1980. L'utilisation du rock en tant qu'outil de soutien politique pourrait néanmoins paraître contre-Nature à cause du rôle traditionnel de ce genre musical, lié aux sous-Cultures et mouvements contestataires. L'étude des excroissances du mouvement Britpop, visibles jusqu'à l'accession de Gordon Brown au poste de Premier ministre en 2007, permettra de dégager l'existence d'une veine critique et contestataire au sein de cette même scène rock, proposant une vision plus réaliste de la société, rappelant l'idée de Broken Britain mise en avant par les Conservateurs à cette époque. / In the 1990s, a string of successful bands such as Blur, Oasis, Pulp and Suede, inspired by glorious forefathers like the Beatles, revived the British rock genre. The press was quick to dub this new scene "Britpop", to describe the way these bands drew their inspiration from their own sense of Britishness, both in their appearance and in their lyrics, which documented several aspects of youth and working-Class cultures in Britain. Meanwhile, the Labour Party was undergoing a similar kind of rebirth under the influence of Tony Blair, who rebranded his party as New Labour. Since Britpop offered a positive, near-Patriotic vision of Britishness in line with the spirit of "Cool Britannia", Blair sought to obtain a very visible support from the Britpop scene in the run-Up to the 1997 general election. This was conceived as a way to help rejuvenate the Labour Party's image and to secure the youth vote which had eluded the left since the 1980s. However, the traditional view of rock music (as a type of protest music, prone to generating subcultures) hardly seems compatible with the idea that it could be used to support a mainstream political party. As the Britpop format went on to influence homegrown rock music into the next decade, with Gordon Brown succeeding Blair as Prime Minister in 2007, it seems several bands took British rock back to its primary, subversive function by painting a realistic picture of British society, closer to the concept of "Broken Britain" than to that of "Cool Britannia".

The diploma thesis called Labour Party during the Premiership of Margaret Thatcher (1979- 1990) focuses on the causes of the defeats of the Labour Party in 1979, 1983 and 1987. For this purpose it examines the relations of the individual party factions. Attention is also paid to opinion polls, especially party preferences. Last but not least, it is taken into account how the Labor Party turned towards centrism and rejected the more radical left-wing policy it had enforced in its first opposition period. Key words Labour Party, Militant, Social Democratic Party, Tony Benn, Neil Kinnock, David Owen, Michael Foot, National Executive Committee, Tony Benn, Trade unions

The diploma thesis called Labour Party during the Premiership of Margaret Thatcher (1979- 1990) focuses on the causes of the defeats of the Labour Party in 1979, 1983 and 1987. For this purpose it examines the relations of the individual party factions. Attention is also paid to opinion polls, especially party preferences. Last but not least, it is taken into account how the Labor Party turned towards centrism and rejected the more radical left-wing policy it had enforced in its first opposition period. Key words Labour Party, Militant, Social Democratic Party, Tony Benn, Neil Kinnock, David Owen, Michael Foot, National Executive Committee, Tony Benn, Trade unions

Les principaux stéréotypes relatifs aux Gypsies présents dans la presse britannique contemporaine sont fermement enracinés dans une perception historique homogène et persistante faite d’incompréhension envers cette communauté ethnique non-indigène, dépréciée et rejetée depuis près de six siècles. L’examen de l’histoire du peuple romani - à partir de la migration hors de l’Inde jusqu’à la tentative de génocide sur le continent européen entre 1933-1945 - permet d’éclairer l’attitude de la presse britannique envers la minorité romani (gypsy). On peut être frappé par la ténacité et la prégnance des préjugés et stéréotypes et l’évolution constatée pendant la période étudiée n’en est que plus significative. Le thème dominant demeure le mode de vie non-sédentaire qui déclenche l’hostilité envers les Gypsies et Travellers souvent présentés comme un groupe social marginal, soucieux de profiter d’un statut de minorité ethnique pour servir ses intérêts propres et sans offrir en retour une contribution à l’harmonie et à la prospérité de la société dans son ensemble. Mais l’antithèse - qui les présente comme victimes de préjugés ainsi que de lois inadaptées à leur héritage culturel - tend à prendre de l’ampleur. Une politique plus compréhensive adoptée par le gouvernement New Labour, dans le cadre de sa promotion de la diversité et du multiculturalisme, conjuguée avec une mobilisation des communautés gypsy et traveller (utilisant notamment les nouvelles technologies et s’appuyant sur les groupes de pression) ont permis de noter une amélioration récente du statut de ces minorités de tradition non-sédentaire et l’évolution concomitante de leur couverture par une partie de la presse reflète et renforce à la fois ce changement. Les progrès constatés dans la situation réelle des communautés gypsy et traveller et dans leur représentation médiatique demandent à être confortés mais ils semblent bien acquis et notamment être de nature à faciliter la résistance à la politique moins favorable menée par le gouvernement de coalition depuis 2010. / Gypsies (or Romanies) have been denigrated and rejected for nearly six hundred years and the consistent historical perception of stereotyping and misunderstanding of this non-indigenous ethnic community is perpetuated by the contemporary British press. Romani history, from migration out of India to the genocide in Europe in the 20th century and more contemporary events has set the backdrop against which contemporary society and the British press have adopted a tenacious and pervasive attitude of stereotyping and prejudice towards the Romani (Gypsy) minority, a trend which will be evident in the analysis provided by this thesis. The dominant theme is the non-sedentary lifestyle that has triggered the hostility of ‘respectable’ sedentary society against Gypsies as well as Travellers. The minority, marginalised groups can sometimes be portrayed as being intent on using their minority status for personal gains whilst not contributing to the harmony and prosperity of society as a whole. The antithesis, which seems to be gaining ground, presents them as victims of prejudice as well as of laws which are incompatible with their cultural heritage. The New Labour government adopted comprehensive policies to address the promotion of diversity and multiculturalism and, together with the mobilisation of the Gypsy and Traveller communities (notably aided by the use of new technologies and the support of pressure groups), there have been recent improvements of the status of these traditionally non-sedentary communities, and the simultaneous development of their coverage by a part of the press both reflects and reinforces this change. The British press has represented Gypsy and Traveller communities more favourably of late, with the progress and gains afforded by New Labour. Those gains must be consolidated and sufficiently robust to resist the less favourable policies of the coalition government since 2010.

Thesis (M.A.)--Rhodes University, 1991. / Facsimile. "Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ART of Rhodes University." Includes bibliographical references.