Le présent mémoire pose la question de l'évolution du débat politique dans les démocraties occidentales depuis la révolution néo-libérale des années 1980, laquelle rompt avec la période sociale-démocrate keynésienne d'après-guerre. Il vise en cela à démontrer comment le néo-libéralisme s'inscrit dans le débat politique actuel. Pour ce faire, le cadre théorique d'analyse mis à profit repose sur trois piliers conceptuels. D'une part, le néo-libéralisme est pensé comme une clé conceptuelle de compréhension par le rejet des approches le réduisant à une simple Doxa politique marchande et anti-étatiste. À ce titre, il est ici réfléchi comme courant idéologique plural à la fois traversé par des lignes de convergence et de divergences. D'autre part, comme il s'agit d'étudier l'évolution du débat politique principal, lequel se pose à l'intérieur des institutions démocratiques, le concept de champ de production politique développé par Bourdieu est ici utilisé dans l'analyse. Il représente l'espace où se jouent les rapports de concurrence entre les grands partis politiques et leurs protagonistes. Enfin, notre approche revisite le concept d'hégémonie tel que formulé par Gramsci, l'hégémonie ne pouvant être complètement moniste, mais impliquant toujours la présence de tensions internes. Ne prétendant pas étudier d'un même mouvement l'ensemble des champs de production politique de l'Occident, l'analyse porte essentiellement sur le cas britannique. Ce champ de production politique, à travers l'émergence du thatchérisme, est le premier à voir naître la révolution néo-libérale. En parallèle, durant les années 1980-1990, les réformes du parti travailliste, puis l'affirmation du néo-travaillisme déplacent la cadre idéologico-politique de ce parti historiquement à gauche. Par le survol rapide de la période d'après-guerre, par la comparaison idéologique et politique du thatchérisme au néo-travaillisme, puis par la conjonction analytique de ces derniers au néo-libéralisme, il est possible de déterminer l'état du débat politique contemporain tel qu'il se présente au sein du champ de production politique britannique. Il semble qu'à une hégémonie sociale-démocrate keynésienne se soit substituée une hégémonie néo-libérale et que ce soit cette dernière qui puisse définir le mieux l'état du débat démocratique contemporain. Alors que le thatchérisme semble apparenté à une forme d'ultralibéralisme hayekien, le néo-travaillisme synthétise involontairement les pensées de deux auteurs néo-libéraux à la fois distincts et liés à des écoles différentes du néo-libéralisme : l'ordo-libéralisme de Wilhelm Ropke et le libéralisme constructif de Walter Lippmann. Ainsi, les lignes de convergences et de tensions qui rapprochent et séparent le thatchérisme et le néo-travaillisme trouvent leurs pareilles au sein du courant néo-libéral. De la sorte, le débat démocratique au sein du champ de production politique serait implicite à l'hégémonie du néo-libéralisme, car il se déploierait le long de ses frictions internes et autour de son noyau idéologique consensuel. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Grande-Bretagne, thatchérisme, néo-travaillisme, néolibéralisme, champ de production politique, hégémonie, ordo-libéralisme, ultralibéralisme et libéralisme constructif.

The 17 July 1863 saw a British military force led by Major General Cameron, with Crimean War experience, invade the Waikato of Aotearoa New Zealand, and essentially ending for Waikato Maori on 2 April 1864 at Orakau when Cameron with 1,200 troops, defeated a group of 300 Maori that included representatives of at least nine iwi, and women and children, led by Rewi Maniapoto.In December 1863, well before the events of Orakau, the New Zealand Settlements Act of 1863 (NZSA) was passed into law. This Act’s only purpose was to confiscate 1,408,400 hectares of land from Maori; 486,500 hectares from Waikato Maori, of whom Ngati Maniapoto are an important part. The Act deprived Maori of their traditional lands and the means to participate in the economy, with serious social and economic consequences for them well into the 20th century.In 1993, tertiary educational status was granted to what was essentially an initiative of the people of Ngati Maniapoto that began in 1983 to provide educational alternatives to young people, predominately Maori. This initiative became Te Wananga o Aotearoa (TWOA). Over a period of six years from 1998, TWOA moved from being an insignificant tertiary educational institution to the largest in the country in terms of student and equivalent full time student numbers. By mid 2005, TWOA was under the control of the State, the first time such a situation had occurred in this country, and completely contrary to the independence provisions that the Education Act 1989 bestows on tertiary educational institutions.This thesis is an examination of the State’s battle for control of TWOA, to consider likely reasons why the State sought this control, and the tactics used by the State to achieve this outcome.The thesis examines the part that knowledge and access to education plays in global economics in the late 20th and early 21st century, and will consider whether knowledge and access to education was as economically important to individuals in these times, as land was in 1863.The fact that TWOA’s success was achieved completely within the parameters of the tertiary education policies of both successive Governments since 1998 was irrelevant to the NZ Labour Party led Government of 2005. They appeared to set out on a predetermined path to gain control, in order to neutralise TWOA’s growth and to then reshape the sector to ensure that such success did not happen again. The conclusion is that what was seen as a just a small ‘window’ to get some leverage, was thrown open, and very powerful levers then used, to achieve this end.

The 17 July 1863 saw a British military force led by Major General Cameron, with Crimean War experience, invade the Waikato of Aotearoa New Zealand, and essentially ending for Waikato Maori on 2 April 1864 at Orakau when Cameron with 1,200 troops, defeated a group of 300 Maori that included representatives of at least nine iwi, and women and children, led by Rewi Maniapoto.In December 1863, well before the events of Orakau, the New Zealand Settlements Act of 1863 (NZSA) was passed into law. This Act’s only purpose was to confiscate 1,408,400 hectares of land from Maori; 486,500 hectares from Waikato Maori, of whom Ngati Maniapoto are an important part. The Act deprived Maori of their traditional lands and the means to participate in the economy, with serious social and economic consequences for them well into the 20th century.In 1993, tertiary educational status was granted to what was essentially an initiative of the people of Ngati Maniapoto that began in 1983 to provide educational alternatives to young people, predominately Maori. This initiative became Te Wananga o Aotearoa (TWOA). Over a period of six years from 1998, TWOA moved from being an insignificant tertiary educational institution to the largest in the country in terms of student and equivalent full time student numbers. By mid 2005, TWOA was under the control of the State, the first time such a situation had occurred in this country, and completely contrary to the independence provisions that the Education Act 1989 bestows on tertiary educational institutions.This thesis is an examination of the State’s battle for control of TWOA, to consider likely reasons why the State sought this control, and the tactics used by the State to achieve this outcome.The thesis examines the part that knowledge and access to education plays in global economics in the late 20th and early 21st century, and will consider whether knowledge and access to education was as economically important to individuals in these times, as land was in 1863.The fact that TWOA’s success was achieved completely within the parameters of the tertiary education policies of both successive Governments since 1998 was irrelevant to the NZ Labour Party led Government of 2005. They appeared to set out on a predetermined path to gain control, in order to neutralise TWOA’s growth and to then reshape the sector to ensure that such success did not happen again. The conclusion is that what was seen as a just a small ‘window’ to get some leverage, was thrown open, and very powerful levers then used, to achieve this end.

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[pt] Este trabalho se propõe investigar a trajetória do novo trabalhismo a partir da experiência do Partido Democrático Trabalhista (PDT). O estudo percorre as origens, as negociações e conflitos, a formação identitária, o desempenho político, bem como os desafios enfrentados ao longo da década de 1980, período que abrange o fim da ditadura militar e a reorganização político-partidária do Brasil. Durante quase vinte anos, o trabalhismo, que era uma tradição hegemônica no país desde Vargas, ficou relegado ao ostracismo. O PTB foi extinto, os petebistas cassados e exilados. É o caso de Leonel Brizola, principal herdeiro do getulismo, que viveu como exilado no Uruguai e depois em Portugal. A pesquisa mostra como Brizola, da capital portuguesa, liderou o processo de reorganização do novo trabalhismo - um projeto gestado em meio ao exílio. Por fim, o estudo enfatiza o peso da tradição política no Brasil, investigando como o PDT buscou resgatar o trabalhismo do pré-1964 e ressignificá-lo no contexto da redemocratização. / [en] This study aims to analyze the new laborism s project conducted by the Democratic Labour Party (PartidoDemocráticoTrabalhista). It addresses the political party s origins, identity formation, negotiations and conflicts, political performance, as well as the challenges faced throughout the 1980s. This is the period of the end of the military dictatorship (1964-1985) and the political-party reorganization in Brazil. For almost twenty years, laborism (trabalhismo), a hegemonic tradition in the country since Getúlio Vargas regime (1930s), was left to ostracism. PTB, Brazilian Laborism Party, was extinct, party members were persecuted and went to exiled. It was the case of Leonel Brizola, the main inheritor of getulism, who lived in exiled in Uruguay and later in Portugal. From the Portuguese capital, Brizola lead the process of the new laborism project. Finally, this study emphasizes the weight of political tradition in Brazil by investigating how the PDT sought to rescue pre-1964 labor political ideology. In doing so, Brizola gave new meanings to laborism (trabalhismo) in the context of the Brazilian redemocratization.

From the 1850s Glasgow was a major industrial, commercial and mercantile city, with notoriously poor working-class housing. During the 1915 Rent Strike many women physically resisted rent increases and prevented evictions from the tenements. The strikes ended when the Government passed the Rent Restrictions Act 1915, which returned rents to pre-war levels. This was in response to a political and working-class struggle that challenged the rule of law. Rather than focussing narrowly on the role of the women alone, or on the strike as inspiration for anti-capitalist resistance, the 2015 Centenary seemed opportune to examine why the Rent Strike was successful, its place in the longer struggle for decent housing, the role of the Independent Labour Party (ILP) and its leaders, and their collaborations with labour and women’s organisations. From the 1890s the ILP was central to labour’s campaign in elections and in fostering political collaboration with many groups representing labour. John Wheatley and Patrick Dollan, former miners, were leaders in strengthening the ILP organisation and its community relations. This collaborative structure supported the women leading the rent resistance in the tenements. It was also the platform for Wheatley and Dollan, nationally and municipally, to continue their life-long work to improve the housing and living standards of working people. Wheatley became Minister of Health in 1924 in Britain’s first Labour Government, and Dollan was Lord Provost in Glasgow’s first majority Labour Council in 1938. Glasgow’s systemic anti-Irish and anti-Catholic prejudice has, surprisingly, remained unexamined in relation to the Rent Strike. Two historians claimed, without presenting evidence, that bigotry was overcome or briefly transcended. The evidence reviewed here indicated that it did not go away, but that it had no impact on the Rent Strike as it simply offered no stimulus or opportunity to express the existing racist or religious prejudice. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA) / Glasgow, with notoriously poor working-class housing, was a major centre in 1915 for British engineering, munitions and shipbuilding industries during the First World War. Women who lived in Glasgow’s tenements organised rent strikes and physically resisted rent increases and evictions. They were supported by the Independent Labour Party and the collaborations it developed before and during the war with organisations representing the interests of women and labour. These strikes, the rent agitations in England, and the threat of industrial action in Glasgow, forced the Government to pass the Rent Restrictions Act 1915, which limited rents to pre-war levels. Two former miners, John Wheatley and Patrick Dollan, were leaders in organising this class victory. They recognised the Act’s limitations and then worked nationally and municipally in the longer struggle for better working-class housing. Glasgow’s systemic anti-Irish and anti-Catholic bigotry did not disappear but played no significant role during the Rent Strike.

À l'aide du cadre conceptuel conçu par Mulier et Strom (1999), cette thèse analyse à la fois l'impact des contraintes institutionnelles sur l'évolution d'une formation politique et sur la sélection des objectifs partisans (policy-seeking,vote-seeking, office-seeking ) et le rôle joué par les chefs sur la sélection de l'objectif partisan priorisé, tout en tenant compte de l'impact des contraintes institutionnelles sur leur leadership. À cette fin, nous avons étudié les cas de deux formations politiques évoluant au sein d'institutions parlementaires de type Westminster, soit le Parti québécois et le Labour britannique pendant la période qui s'étend de 1993 à 2005. S'appuyant notamment sur des indicateurs identifiés par Wolinetz (2002), notre cadre opératoire repose sur huit propositions associées à des contraintes institutionnelles (nature du débat interne, imputabilité du chef, motivation des militants, existence de factions, stratégies électorales utilisées, nouvelles techniques électorales, prévisibilité du système partisan, niveau du financement étatique). En comparaison, les objectifs partisans ciblés par le Labour se révèlent plus stables dans le temps que ceux établis par le Parti québécois, d'autant plus que le Labour s'avère être un parti plus centralisé que ne l'est le Parti québécois. Par ailleurs, l'objectif policy seeking dispose d'un poids plus important au PQ qu'au Labour. Ce dernier étant devenu un parti de pouvoir et le PQ évoluant dans cette direction, nous avons cependant observé deux processus de « dédémocratisation » (Lawson, 2007) distincts. Cela permet notamment d'identifier certaines conditions de succès associées aux réformes institutionnelles visant à réduire le niveau de contraintes internes. De plus, nos travaux indiquent que même si le rôle du chef est central dans la sélection de l'objectif partisan sélectionné, notamment par son poids dans une campagne électorale, un niveau élevé de contraintes minera à plus ou moins long terme son leadership. Nos résultats confirment également la pertinence du concept de mécanisme de compensation pour expliquer la configuration interne d'une formation politique et révèlent l'existence d'une certaine proximité entre les objectifs partisans priorisés et les qualités attribuées à un chef départi.

Pour les partis politiques attachés à des idéaux pacifiques et internationalistes, comme les partis socialistes, la période de préparation à la Conférence mondiale du désarmement, soit entre 1925 et 1932, put paraître pleine de possibilités pour la réduction des armements nationaux. Bien que ces partis aient partagé un lien transnational, par leur adhésion à l’Internationale ouvrière socialiste, ils étaient avant tout des organisations évoluant dans des cadres nationaux différents. Ainsi, les positions qu’ils mirent de l’avant afin de convaincre leur électorat respectif ne purent être totalement semblables. Dans ce mémoire, le discours public, ainsi que les arguments le sous-tendant, de la SFIO et du Labour concernant le désarmement entre le 12 décembre 1925 et le 3 février 1932 est décrit, analysé et comparé. Les raisons du désarmement, les appréciations des développements sur la question autant dans le contexte de la SDN que dans les autres réunions internationales ainsi qu’au niveau strictement national pour les deux partis sont l’objet de cette étude. Il apparaît que la SFIO et le Labour ont présenté des arguments similaires afin de justifier le désarmement. De plus, bien qu’ils aient tous deux appuyé un potentiel rôle d’arbitrage pour la SDN, alors que les socialistes ont insisté sur leur rôle de lobbyistes, les travaillistes tablèrent plutôt sur les responsabilités des chefs d’État et des « grands hommes » dans le processus, tout particulièrement lorsque leur parti fut au pouvoir. Les travaillistes démontrèrent également une ouverture pour toute avancée du désarmement, même minime, alors que les socialistes préférèrent manifestement les ententes globales. Finalement, des approches nationales aux implications différentes furent promues : l’organisation de la nation en temps de guerre en France et la promotion d’un esprit de paix en Grande-Bretagne. / For political parties which held pacifist and internationalist ideals, particularly socialist parties, the period leading to the World Disarmament Conference of Geneva, between 1925 and 1932, might have appeared as full of possibilities for national arms control and reduction. While these parties shared a transnational link, through their membership in the Labour and Socialist International, they were, first and foremost, organisations active at the national level. As such, the policies that they advocated in order to convince voters could not be totally similar. In this master’s thesis, the public discourse, as well as the underlying arguments, advocated by the French Section française de l’Internationale ouvrière (SFIO) and the British Labour party on the disarmament process between December 12, 1925 and February 3, 1932 are described, analysed and compared. The reasons to disarm, the opinions on the disarmament process at the League of Nations and on other international stages as well as at the national level for both parties, are the subjects of this study. It appears that the SFIO and the Labour employed similar arguments in order to explain the importance of disarmament. Moreover, even though they both supported a potential arbitration role for the League, while the French Socialists considered themselves principally as lobbyists, the British Labourites insisted on the responsibilities of heads of states and other “great figures” in the process, particularly when their party held power in the United Kingdom. The Labour party also demonstrated openness towards any progress on disarmament, even small developments, while the SFIO favoured a more general approach. Finally, the two parties promoted national endeavours with very different implications: the organisation of the nation during wartime in France and the promotion of a global, if somewhat vague, peace spirit in the United Kingdom.

In this thesis I explore the attitudes, arguments, and actions of British political elites in connection with the development of human rights law in Europe and the UK. I do this by examining British input into five key episodes for the development of European supranational rights and their incorporation into domestic legal orders (namely the drafting of the European Convention on Human Rights 1950, the drafting of the European Social Charter 1961, the acceptance of individual petition in 1966, the failed 1970s Bill of Rights debate, the passing of the Human Rights Act 1998, and recent developments such as the UK ‘opt-out’ to the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, and the emergence of a new ‘British Bill of Rights’ debate). Casting light on British involvement in less examined periods in European rights development, I challenge existing, isolated, explanations for the more focal episodes (such as Simpson’s rational-choice post-colonial thesis for individual petition acceptance, and ideological accounts for New Labour’s post-1997 constitutional reform). Responding to the most recent literature in the area, central to my analysis is the question of how rights progress relates to inter-party conflict. By considering continuities and discontinuities in elite political discussion of rights I argue that while conflict is a significant underlying feature of every major episode of rights progress during the last sixty years, and is less evident in less progressive periods, other factors have had a greater influence over the form, timing, and extent of rights progress. Most significant amongst these is the constitutional ideological development of the Labour party and the critical connection between Labour’s elevation of the Convention within the UK constitutional space and revisionist shifts in party thinking.

The thesis starts by providing a brief overview of South African ''Coloured" politics from the passing of Ordinance 50 in 1828 to the removal of the Cape Coloured people from the common voter's roll in 1956. It then goes on to discuss in detail the structures instituted by successive Nationalist Governments to serve as an alternative to parliamentary representation for the coloured people, the role of the various coloured political parties within such structures and the latter's gradual adaptation and development, culminating in the inauguration of the Tricameral Parliament in early 1985. The thesis is, on the one hand, a detailed record of coloured political activity following the loss of common roll voting rights in the Cape, focusing on specifically coloured political parties rather than on broader, non-ethnic resistance movements in which many coloured people took part during the same period. This covers the rise and rapid decline of a conservative grouping within the coloured community which sought to foster an exclusively coloured nationalism operating within the Government's policy of parallel development, and attempted to use the Coloured Persons' Representative Council as a means towards achieving the economic, social and political upliftment of the coloured people. It also deals with the important role of the Labour Party after 1966, showing how a moderate resistance movement carne to use the Council as a platform from which to confront the Government's apartheid policies and to render the institutions of parallel development unworkable through noncooperation and boycotting. The second important preoccupation of the thesis concerns the ambiguous and often contradictory attitudes towards the "coloured question" within the National Party itself. This ambivalence, it is argued, not only had much to do with the eventual failure of the Coloured Persons' Representative Council to become a viable substitute for Parliamentary representation acceptable to the majority of coloured people, but was also a primary cause of the National Party split in 1982. It shows too how the collapse of Grand Apartheid had its origins in the failure to incorporate the coloured population within its framework. The thesis is concerned primarily with coloured political developments. When relevant, however, the establishment and development of representative institutions for the Indian people is also dealt with, in so far as this overlaps with issues and events concerning the coloured Council. Finally, the five year period following the dissolution of the Coloured Persons' Representative Council in 1980 and the inauguration of the Tricameral Parliament in 1985 is briefly dealt with in a concluding chapter. This mainly concerns the gradual accommodation reached between the Government and the Labour Party when the latter eventually agreed, conditionally, to take part in the new constitution.