Since 1979 the UK has experienced the most decisive break in the providing style and underlying principles of welfare provision since 1944 to 1948, or perhaps ever. This thesis provides an historical overview of the succession of Acts in regards to state education, health and housing. It looks at the effects of, and reasons for, the reforms in these areas, showing how these have changed each sectors' operational style and ethos. A close insight into the reforms is provided by surveys of head teachers of Grant-Maintained schools, chief executives of NHS trusts, directors of local government housing departments and chief executives of housing associations and of Local Government. The questionnaires investigated issues such as, finances, changes in their functions, effects upon staff and external relations and highlights benefits and disadvantages. In general these sectors have experienced the introduction of a quasi-market, via the separation of the provider, purchaser and enabler roles. The aim has been to increase competition and consumer power in the state sector. In reality, competition is expanding, but these welfare markets have been subjected to increased scrutiny and control from Central Government. The market ethos is spreading across the nation, and although many people who are living through it are unaware of the rapid changes, this period may be looked back upon in history as being the most radical and far-reaching alteration of British economic, social and political structures.

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This thesis examines the differences between teen romantic comedy films marketed to Generation X teenagers in the 1980s and Generation Y teenagers in the 1990s, focusing on the presentation of gender roles, consumptive behavior, and family. The 1980s films are discussed within the social context of the Reagan era and the conservatism of the New Right. The 1990s films are examined as continuing a conservative sensibility, but they additionally posit consumption as instrumental to achieving an idealized romance. Romantic comedy is traditionally a conservative genre, but these films illustrate female liberation through consumption. The source of difference between the cycles of teen romantic comedy is attributed to the media's attempt to position Generation Y teenagers as ideal consumers.

O argumento principal que defendo nesta tese é que a formação de uma nova direita no Brasil é um amálgama ultraliberal-conservador cuja origem remonta à organização de contra-públicos digitais durante o auge do lulismo, entre 2006 e 2010. Para sustentar meu argumento realizo uma reconstrução histórica da atuação política da direita brasileira na esfera pública desde a década de 1940, passando pela formação destes contra-públicos na metade dos anos 2000 até as eleições de 2018, quando a nova direita chega ao poder. Meu foco principal, porém, recai na trajetória do contrapúblico ultraliberal, uma vez que este foi o único cujos membros foram capazes de se organizar institucionalmente na sociedade civil de forma precoce, isto é, ainda durante o auge do lulismo, o que foi decisivo para desencadear a Campanha Pró-Impeachment de Dilma de Rousseff (2014-2016) e para fortalecer outras iniciativas políticas que foram importantes para a constituição da nova direita. Empiricamente, me apoio em 30 entrevistas em profundidade realizadas com lideranças e militantes que participaram deste processo e dados coletados em uma pesquisa de campo levada à cabo entre o segundo semestre de 2015 e o primeiro semestre de 2018. / The mais argument of this thesis is that the Brazilian New Right in an ideological combination of libertarianism with conservatism and its origins are connected to the formation of digital counter-publics during the height of Lulas terms, between 2006 and 2010. In order to explain how this happened, I make a historical reconstruction of the Brazilian Political Right performance on the public sphere activities from the 1940s on, passing by the formation of these counter-publics in the middle of the 2000s, until the 2018 elections, when the new right comes to power. My main focus, however, lays on the trajectory of the libertarian counter-public, since this was the one whose members were able to organize themselves institutionally at an early stage, that is, during the height of Lulas terms, which was decisive to trigger Dilma Rousseffs Pro-Impeachment Campaign (2014-2016) and to strengthen other political initiatives that were important for the constitution of the Brazilian New Right. My empirical data is based on 30 in-depth interviews with political leaders and activists who took part in this political process and on informations gathered in a field research carried out between the second half of 2015 and the first half of 2018.

In this thesis it is aimed to explore the new social policy agenda, in which the role of local governments as policy makers has been increasing. In this respect, the contemporary Turkish local government system, and social policies of the municipalities are analyzed by drawing upon the European Union&rsquo / s approach on the social policy in the urban context. Within this framework, the social policies of the Ankara Metropolitan Municipality are studied.

The main objective of this study is to analyze how labor&rsquo / s protests against the privatization in Turkey, are reconstructed in news. So, news discourse on labor protests against privatization of SEKA and T&Uuml / PRAS investigated in five newspapers of Turkey. During analysis, on which reconciliations meaning in the news are constructed was probed by both identifying the linguistic and narrative aspects of the news. Therefore discourse analyses will be applied to study how and on which level a pro-privatization ideology production is realized in the labor protest against privatization news. So, construction of a hegemonic ideology in Turkey by joining various discourse elements, and if there are any conflicts between parties in this construction was investigated.

This thesis aims to analyze the ideology of the &ldquo / European New Right&rdquo / (Nouveille Droite) and its attempt to establish its cultural hegemony on European integration. The revival of the radical right-wing parties after 1980s and the rise of xenophobia have emerged as a fundamental threat to European democracy. The study of such developments and the measures taken to combat right-wing extremism, however, should not be limited to political parties and activists. The intellectual framework of the contemporary radical right as a successor of historical fascism and its Europeanization necessitates a broader and deeper analysis of the ideology of the radical right. The case of &ldquo / European New Right&rdquo / as one of the most influential right-wing intellectual networks provides the appropriate ground to discuss on such framework and to elaborate its impact on European integration.

This dissertation examines the creation and development of the United States government's Title X family planning program from 1965 to 1988. It argues that Title X became controversial when its supporters shifted their focus from promoting family self-sufficiency to celebrating individual reproductive freedom. The new individualist arguments profoundly threatened many Americans who wanted government policy to support the patriarchal nuclear family. Support for federally-subsidized family planning programs in the 1960s rested on an ideology of nuclear family economic independence. Advocates reasoned that birth control services would enable poor Americans, especially African-Americans, to have children only within stable, self-sufficient marriages. Using these arguments, family planning advocates developed nearly-unanimous support for family planning programs among federal policymakers. In the early 1970s, though, family planning supporters embraced feminist and anti-racist critiques of their earlier ideas, leading them to promote subsidized family planning as a route to individual women’s reproductive freedom. In turn, the dissertation examines the growth of the New Right in reaction to the new liberal focus on individual freedom. While some dissenters had opposed family planning programs in the 1960s, this opposition mushroomed in the 1970s as opponents identified Title X as a threat to the family. Family planning opponents focused on two aspects of subsidized birth control programs that endangered the patriarchal nuclear family: abortion and teenagers’ access to contraception. Both of these issues jeopardized the husband’s and father’s authority over his dependents. In addition, opponents claimed that federal government spending on Title X overused their tax dollars, compromising their own ability to be self-sufficient and, thus, the survival of their own independent nuclear families. As a result, they mobilized in opposition to Title X in the 1970s and 1980s. The dissertation uses a wide variety of archival materials, government documents, and published sources to document the trajectory of debates over federally-funded family planning programs / History

This thesis is aimed at analysing key similarities and differences of the Englsih Defence League and the German-born social movement PEGIDA. Whereas both movements have a common goal, to stop the perceived Islamisation of their respective countries, and Europe as a whole, the means and methods vary greatly. Moreover, it is argued that the followership of said organisations differ in age, social background and motivation. Both organisations are able to exert a certain amount of influence on their supporters, the rest of the society, as well as policy- makers and the political elite. Both organisations have influenced the societal and political climate of their respective countries of origin and also in the countries in the European neighbourhood with links to individuals and organisations in North America.