Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

The presented thesis deals with the New Right in Germany and its current reception of the Conservative Revolution of the Weimar Republic. The thesis primarily focuses on the German New Right, which it aims to define by its references to ideological and political stances of the right-wing conservative and extremist movement of the Weimar Republic - the Conservative Revolution. Based on a detailed textual analysis of selected articles from the New Right's journal Sezession, the thesis presents the elementary worldviews of the New Right as well as its rhetoric and strategies. Furthermore, it is demonstrated how the New Right perceives the central ideas of the Conservative Revolution (anti- enlightenment, anti-liberalism, anti-democracy, anti-parliamentarism, advocacy of an authoritarian state concept and promotion of a homogenous society) and how it implicitly or explicitly employs these ideas for its argumentation. The thesis proved that the worldviews of the Conservative Revolution nowadays still function as an ideological reservoir of the New Right, meaning also that the New Right is theoretically little innovative and takes over and passes on a large part of the ideas of the intellectuals of the Conservative Revolution, which are currently one hundred years old.

An experimental survey (N = 415) is used to evaluate fascist qualifications within party preference groups, regarding susceptibility to a neofascist communication style and gravitation toward fascist ideas. Testing the notion by fascism expert Roger Griffin, that the influence of the neofascist intellectual movement the New Right (la Nouvelle Droite) is successfully shaping the 21st century wave of right-wing populism, it is hypothesized that sympathizers of the Swedish right-wing populism equivalent (the Sweden Democrats) are more susceptible to a neofascist communication style and more preconditioned to agree with covertly fascist ideas (as based on the writings of the Nouvelle Droite). The results strongly support this hypothesis, although the potential for generalizability beyond the collected sample is limited. Using a causal networks approach, the failure to falsify the hypothesis is however considered a small but valid observation that bolsters its probability. The study contributes to the current research by further strengthening the bridge between the fields of populism and fascism.

School safety is widely recognized as an ongoing problem in United States public schools. Guided by the New Right, the school safety problem has been framed as an issue of school crime, violence, and student misbehavior that is best mitigated by zero tolerance policies. This stance has emerged as an agenda that has proven disproportionately detrimental to poor urban students of color who have experienced unforeseen levels of punishment since the Gun Free Schools Act of 1994 endorsed zero tolerance. Despite mounting evidence that zero tolerance approaches to discipline do little to deter school crime and violence or make schools safe, little ground has been gained in interrupting the ideology, policies, practices, and discourses of the zero tolerance agenda. The dissertation study theorizes and explores how ideology, cultural-politics, and discourse foster the tendency for policy creation and codification to legitimize the New Right's official knowledge of zero tolerance ideology and policy as a panacea for the school safety problem. To accomplish this, I conducted an ethnographic content analysis of codes of student conduct to examine the imbued ideologies, discourses, and policy changes that emerge from the cultural politics of managing school discipline over the last 15 years. Through this process, I lend empirical credence to the concepts of net-widening and net-deepening. With these guiding concepts, I push the field beyond the zero tolerance discourse on school safety and discipline to establish a generative alternative to understanding school discipline policies called the school discipline net framework. The results of the study establish a precedent for thinking more deeply and creatively about the perils and possibilities of school discipline policies. Major findings include the identification of several school policy changes that make the discipline experience both increasingly likely and potentially more punitive for students. Finally, through substantiating the school discipline net as a framework for discoursing, researching, guiding policy creation, and recognizing and locating sites of agency, this work establishes that it is indeed possible to engage issues critical in the field in ways that can transfer into the highly politicized school policy context dominated by New Right ideologies and discourses. / Urban Education

In 1990 a small self-published journal/magazine called The Watcher was distributed among New Zealand's occult underground. The Watcher described itself as 'the New Zealand Voice of the Left Hand Path', and was published as the journal of the Order of the Left Hand Path. The Watcher and the Order directed its attentions towards those occultists who identified themselves as Satanists and, as such, the journal articulated a distinctly Satanic philosophy and perspective. However, as the journal evolved and developed, renaming itself as The Heretic and The Nexus in later years, there arose alongside Satanic philosophy an increasing emphases on what could be called esoteric Nazism or esoteric Nationalism. Given that the editor of The Watcher was Kerry Bolton, a man who has been immersed in New Zealand's Nationalist/neo-Nazi movement since the early 1970s, such an increasingly political orientation was perhaps unsurprising. This thesis examines the way in which the Order bought Satanic and neo-Nazi ideologies together and the resulting synthesis. It also looks at the transition from being a Satanic order led by a neo-Nazi to an openly neo-Nazi Order that uses Satanic philosophy to justify and popularise its conception of National Socialism.

一九八○年代迄今，對英美語系和歐陸等先進工業民主國家的政府部門而言，是一個治理模式變革的年代。值得注意的是，這一波政府改革運動的持續力和影響層面是歷史上少見的，驅動改革的相關理念亦有脈絡可循，並且已經浮現出若干明顯的新治理模式。可惜的是，這一波政府改革風潮雖然有著許多不同而動人的稱號（如新公共管理運動、政府再造運動），以及眾多令人目眩神迷的改革策略（如顧客導向的服務、簽約外包、組織精簡等），但是針對各類新的治理模式或各種改革方略所進行的分析及評估卻不多。本文將嘗試由治理（governance）概念發展出一套評估性的分析架構，以作為檢驗這些新的治理模式或改革策略的工具。這一套評估性的分析架構包括三個部分：治理工具的選擇、治理過程的互動關係及治理能力的評估指標。 目 錄 第一章 導論 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥1 第一節 研究動機與目的 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥2 第二節 研究方法與途徑 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥8 第三節 研究範圍與流程 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥11 第四節 治理概念的界定 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥13 第五節 研究限制 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥19 第二章 西敏寺型式的改革 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥22 第一節 西敏寺民主模式的特徵及其困境 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥22 一、西敏寺模式的主要特徵 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥22 二、西敏寺模式的困境 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥24 第二節 柴契爾革命的背景 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥29 一、經濟和社會的壓力 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥30 二、政治和行政的困局 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥34 三、歐洲化的衝擊 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥35 四、柴契爾個人的意志 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥37 第三節 新右派的改革理念 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥37 一、自由主義和保守哲學 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥38 二、奧地利學派和芝加哥學派 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥40 三、公共選擇理論 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥42 四、管理主義 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥49 第四節 保守黨政府的改革行動 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥53 一、改革紀事（1979-1997） ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥53 二、改革歷程及其重點 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥57 第三章 治理概念的分析架構 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥60 第一節 治理概念途徑的內涵 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥60 一、治理概念的七種用法 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥60 二、治理和新公共管理之間的差異 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥64 三、治理概念的五個命題 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥66 第二節 治理工具的類型 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥71 一、從政策工具到治理工具 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥71 二、四種治理工具 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥72 三、四種治理工具的比較 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥77 第三節 治理關係的層次 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥79 一、從政府統治到多層治理 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥79 二、三個層次的治理 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥81 第四節 治理能力的指標 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥85 一、善治的參考指標 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥85 二、動態指標的建構 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥88 第五節 研究架構的提出 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥92 第四章 財務管理改革 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥94 第一節 績效責任導向的財務管理 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥94 一、效率稽核 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥95 二、財務管理方案 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥96 三、市場測試 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥98 四、績效責任審計 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥99 五、強化會計功能 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥101 第二節 治理工具的選擇 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥102 一、層級節制為體，市場機制為用 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥103 二、官僚經驗與管理文化的變革 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥104 第三節 治理過程的互動關係 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥109 一、官僚與廠商的競爭 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥109 二、內部審計重於外部審計 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥111 三、中央集權與地方分權的拉鋸 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥112 第四節 治理能力的評估 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥114 一、從政治理性出發的問題診斷 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥114 二、柴契爾優越的統理能力 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥115 三、仍須強化的回應力 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥116 四、改革效益大於改革成本 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥119 第五章 組織結構的變革 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥124 第一節 市場模式的組織結構 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥124 一、民營化 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥125 二、續階計畫 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥127 第二節 治理工具的選擇 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥133 一、從層級節制到市場機制 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥133 二、組織經濟學的論證 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥135 第三節 治理過程的互動關係 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥138 一、國家空心化（hollowing-out） ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥139 二、行政執行機關與部會的互動關係 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥140 第四節 治理能力的評估 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥144 一、特定系絡下的問題診斷 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥144 二、梅傑與柴契爾在統理能力上的比較 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥145 三、回應力與反作用力 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥147 四、效益遞減、成本遞增 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥148 第六章 文官制度調整 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥152 第一節 人力資源管理取向的文官制度 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥152 一、富爾頓報告的遺緒 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥153 二、人事行政機關的改組 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥155 三、雇用制度的變革 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥157 四、訓練制度的發展 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥163 五、文官員額精簡 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥166 第二節 治理工具的選擇 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥167 一、從人事管理到人力資源管理 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥168 二、人力資源管理的內涵 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥170 三、策略性人力資源管理的省思 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥171 第三節 治理過程的互動關係 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥173 一、部長責任制與文官政治中立 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥173 二、政治控制與文官特權 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥174 三、續階計畫與行政課責 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥175 四、核心主管部門與高級文官的決策角色 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥177 第四節 治理能力的評估 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥179 一、難以周全的問題診斷 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥179 二、梅傑與柴契爾在統理態度上的比較 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥181 三、遲來的回應力 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥182 四、潛在的成本與潛在的效益 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥183 第七章 結論 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥187 第一節 研究發現 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥188 第二節 研究建議 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥200

Graves discusses the important role that women played in the anti-ERA campaign in Georgia during the late 1970s and early 1980s. The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) was a controversial and divisive piece of legislation that polarized both legislators and constituents throughout the United States. Graves uses the anti-ERA campaign in Georgia as a model for studying the women who opposed the ERA on a national level. She writes about the differences between the feminist movement and the conservative grassroots movement, the role that anti-ERA women played in the rise of the New Right, and the legacy of the ERA’s failure in contemporary political context. Graves uses interviews and primary resource documents of the women involved in the campaign as well as a plethora of scholarly materials previously written about the ERA.

[pt] Esta tese analisa o processo de formação histórica das direitas brasileiras, tendo como eixo de investigação a verificação empírica de duas hipóteses centrais inter-relacionadas. A primeira aponta que a união entre liberalismo econômico e conservadorismo no plano dos costumes, que caracteriza o campo da direita no Brasil contemporâneo, deita longas raízes na história nacional; enquanto a segunda identifica a internet como elemento-chave para a compreensão do avanço das direitas - incluindo sua reativação como fenômeno de massa – registrado no país no período posterior às manifestações de junho de 2013. Além de confirmar ambas as hipóteses, a pesquisa, fundamentada em revisão bibliográfica, discute como atores políticos de direita reagiram de maneira especialmente eficiente aos diferentes ciclos de desenvolvimento tecnológico e de difusão das redes digitais, que modificaram dinâmicas políticas na direção de uma intensa polarização verificada na sociedade durante as eleições presidenciais de 2018. Com destaque para o papel desempenhado pelo escritor Olavo de Carvalho na renovação da tradição anticomunista brasileira - consolidada ainda na década de 1930 -, a partir da popularização de uma leitura reacionária do pensamento de Gramsci influenciada pela direita dos Estados Unidos. A opção por uma abordagem histórica, que não perca de vista dinâmicas sistêmicas internacionais, nem a análise de outras variáveis de caráter interdisciplinar, busca dar conta do dinamismo e da complexidade do fenômeno, identificando, entre continuidades e elementos novos, vetores capazes de conectar a diversidade das direitas em uma ação política unificada. / [en] This thesis aims to analyze the History of Brazilian right-wing movements building process by pursuing the empirical verification of two main interrelated hypothesis. The first one points out that the union between economic liberalism and moral conservatism, which characterizes contemporary Brazilian right-wing, has deep roots in national History; while the second hypothesis identifies the internet as a key element for understanding the rising of Brazilian right-wing after the June 2013 demonstrations, including its rebirth as a mass phenomenon. In addition to confirming both hypothesis, the research, based on literature review, discusses how right-wing political actors reacted efficiently to the different cycles of digital networks technological development and diffusion, which modified political dynamics towards on a growing polarization seen in 2018 presidential election. A special attention is paid to the role played by the writer Olavo de Carvalho in the renewing of Brazilian anti-communist tradition from the 1930s through the popularization of a reactionary understanding of Gramsci s thought inspired by the right-wing movements from the United States. By choosing a historical approach, which does not lose sight of international dynamics, nor of other interdisciplinary variables, this thesis aims to understand the phenomenon s dynamism and complexity, identifying, among continuities and new elements, vectors capable of connecting the diversity of right-wing movements in an unified political action.

No description available.