This paper deals with the issue of refugees who had to leave boarder regions of Czechoslovakia in 1938 after Germans occupied them as a result of the Munich Conference. It analyzes their numbers, motivations, professions etc. and then focuses on the management of refugee care. It tries to characterize the basic attributes of the care and especially concentrates on their feeding, clothing, employment, emigration and medical service. From September 1938 to March 1939 almost 200 thousand refugees escaped to reduced Czechoslovakia (so called "Second Republic") which caused serious problems. There was confusion in the country but authorities in cooperation with NGOs and private companies managed to provide refugees with basic accommodation, clothing and feeding. However, their employment and permanent settlement remained, due to the economic problems of the state and winter season, which made seasonal works impossible, unsolved till German occupation in March 1939.

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Jan Benda "The homeland of the country emigrate and back again…" The Migration from the occupied borderland in the time of Second Republic (1938-1939) Supervisor:PhDr. Jan Gebhart, CSc. DSc. Abstract The thesis deals with raw yet comprehensively, covering theme: migration from the border area of Czechoslovakia, which was ceded to Germany as a result of the decision in Munich and to Poland on the basis of Polish ultimatum. Introductory chapters are trying to find answers to questions concerning the origins and the beginning of the refugee problem, which could be sought in the growth of antisemitism in the spring of 1938. In the autumm, after a coup attempt Henlein's people left border in addition to the German anti-fascists, Jews and Czechs. Already during the phased resigning border migration flows greatly abounded, which were both due to the increase in negative behavior and conduct the "Henlein's" people (some of members of Henlein's Party-SdP) against German anti-fascists, Jews and Czechs, as well as specific measures Nazi regime restricting the living conditions of the population of the occupied territories. Many of these people were victims of violence and sometimes expulsion. The structure of the migrant population includes all employee categories, ie only poses a "withdrawal" of state employees to...

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This thesis is an exploration of the motives, mentalities and collective identities which lay behind acts of popular anticlerical violence and iconoclasm during the pre-war Spanish Second Republic (1931-1936) and the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). The five year period following the proclamation of the democratic Second Republic in April 1931 was marked by physical assaults upon the property and public ritual of the Spanish Catholic Church. These grassroots attacks were generally carried out by rural and urban anticlerical workers who were frustrated by the Republic's practical inability to tackle the Church's vast power. On 17-18 July 1936, a rightwing military rebellion divided Spain geographically, provoking the radical fragmentation of power in territory which remained under Republican authority. The coup marked the beginning of a conflict which developed into a full-scale civil war. Anticlerical protagonists, with the reconfigured structure of political opportunities working in their favour, participated in an unprecedented wave of iconoclasm and violence against the clergy. During the first six months of the conflict, innumerable religious buildings were destroyed and almost 7,000 religious personnel were killed. This thesis challenges standard interpretations which link these acts to irrationality, criminality and primitiveness. It focuses directly upon the agents of anticlerical violence, exploring the connections between the anticlerical outpouring of July 1936 and those forms of anticlericalism that were already emerging before the coup. It argues that Spanish popular anticlericalism was a phenomenon which was undergoing a radical process of reconfiguration during the first three decades of the twentieth century. During a period of rapid social, cultural and political change, anticlerical acts took on new, explicitly political meanings, becoming both a catalyst and a symptom of social change. After 17-18 July 1936, anticlerical violence became an implicitly constructive force for many of its protagonists: an instrument with which to build a new society.

A literatura é pródiga em apontar o facciosismo como a norma do sistema partidário vigente à democracia de 46. Em função das constantes cisões verificadas no interior das legendas, a coalizão de apoio ao Executivo no parlamento seria predominantemente concebida ad hoc. O objetivo deste trabalho foi investigar a procedência da referida tese, avaliando o comportamento dos legisladores nas votações realizadas na Câmara dos Deputados entre 1946 e 1964. As informações reunidas no estudo permitem contestar a interpretação usual, comprovando ser incomum a base governista precisar de auxílio externo para assegurar a passagem da própria agenda de trabalho. Somente nas gestões de Getúlio Vargas e Juscelino Kubistchek as contribuições de membros de oposição se fizeram capitais para a aprovação dos programas do governo. Ainda assim, seriam as metas varguistas as mais dependentes deste tipo de subsídio. No quadro geral, o êxito administrativo das presidências decorreria do uso estratégico da verificação de quorum, um procedimento regimental que permitia tanto à situação quanto as demais legendas visualizarem a divisão de forças no plenário, minimizando o efeito-informação de Riker (1962). Desta forma, o governo pôde calcular a melhor estratégia política capaz de lhe certificar a vitória em plenário, independentemente da ajuda dos opositores / The literature tells us that factionalism was the norm in the party system of the Brazils Second Republic (1946-1964). As a result of constant factions within parties, presidential coalitions in the legislature were primarily constructed ad hoc. The objective of this study was to investigate the origin of this argument by analyzing the behavior of legislators on roll call votes in the Chamber of Deputies between 1946 and 1964. The data used in this investigation challenge the conventional wisdom by showing that it was unusual for governing coalitions to need outside help to ensure the adoption of their agendas. Only in the administrations of Getúlio Vargas (1951-1954) and Juscelino Kubistchek (1956-1960) was the support of members of the opposition essential to the approval of government programs, with Vargas agenda being most dependent on this type of support. In general, presidents success arose from the strategic use of verification of quorum, a procedural rule that allowed both the government and the opposition to visualize the division of the forces in the legislature, minimizing Rikers (1962) information effect. Thus, the government could calculate the best political strategy able to ensure victory, independent of opposition support.

A literatura é pródiga em apontar o facciosismo como a norma do sistema partidário vigente à democracia de 46. Em função das constantes cisões verificadas no interior das legendas, a coalizão de apoio ao Executivo no parlamento seria predominantemente concebida ad hoc. O objetivo deste trabalho foi investigar a procedência da referida tese, avaliando o comportamento dos legisladores nas votações realizadas na Câmara dos Deputados entre 1946 e 1964. As informações reunidas no estudo permitem contestar a interpretação usual, comprovando ser incomum a base governista precisar de auxílio externo para assegurar a passagem da própria agenda de trabalho. Somente nas gestões de Getúlio Vargas e Juscelino Kubistchek as contribuições de membros de oposição se fizeram capitais para a aprovação dos programas do governo. Ainda assim, seriam as metas varguistas as mais dependentes deste tipo de subsídio. No quadro geral, o êxito administrativo das presidências decorreria do uso estratégico da verificação de quorum, um procedimento regimental que permitia tanto à situação quanto as demais legendas visualizarem a divisão de forças no plenário, minimizando o efeito-informação de Riker (1962). Desta forma, o governo pôde calcular a melhor estratégia política capaz de lhe certificar a vitória em plenário, independentemente da ajuda dos opositores / The literature tells us that factionalism was the norm in the party system of the Brazils Second Republic (1946-1964). As a result of constant factions within parties, presidential coalitions in the legislature were primarily constructed ad hoc. The objective of this study was to investigate the origin of this argument by analyzing the behavior of legislators on roll call votes in the Chamber of Deputies between 1946 and 1964. The data used in this investigation challenge the conventional wisdom by showing that it was unusual for governing coalitions to need outside help to ensure the adoption of their agendas. Only in the administrations of Getúlio Vargas (1951-1954) and Juscelino Kubistchek (1956-1960) was the support of members of the opposition essential to the approval of government programs, with Vargas agenda being most dependent on this type of support. In general, presidents success arose from the strategic use of verification of quorum, a procedural rule that allowed both the government and the opposition to visualize the division of the forces in the legislature, minimizing Rikers (1962) information effect. Thus, the government could calculate the best political strategy able to ensure victory, independent of opposition support.

The thesis "The reflection of social changes during the period between September 1938 and December 1939 in a football environment according to the Rekord magazine" deals with the events forming Czech society during the period of the Munich crisis, The Second Republic and the first months of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia in connection with football organizations. It analyses the key moments that influenced individual components of public life. The study deals with general circumstances and the historical context. It analyses the way in which Rekord, the official bulletin of The Football Association and The Football Federation, used to work with these facts. The text discusses important matches with the political background, organizational changes in a football environment caused by new conditions, unifying trends, anti-Semitic arrangements, disestablishment of professionalism or Slovaks' effort to gain autonomy. It also deals with the direct impact of occupation of border regions and later of all Bohemian lands, influencing community life and the run of all championship competitions. The Czech self-determination in sport after the constitution of the protectorate in March 1939 and international contacts of Czech football teams until the end of the year 1939 is also included in the text....

This thesis deals with the history of periodicals in the region Rokycany during the years 1945- 1956. It shows the evolution of journalism and it maps regional periodicals. There is also described the social climate with emphasizes on the social, political and cultural transformations of region Rokycany, which should illustrate the situation and bring deeper understanding of the context. The first part deals with the geographical and historical context of that region at the time of the First and Second Republic, the Protectorate and the post-war development until the mid-50s. The second chapter deals with a recap of periodicals until 1945, there are briefly described preserved periodicals. The main part maps the periodicals in region Rokycany during the years 1945-1956. At first the chapter focuses on an early post- war period, 1945-1948, when the social and political sphere began to awaken back to life again, and so did the journalism. During this period, many periodicals were dissolved, but on the other hand a lot of old periodicals were re-established and some new were founded. There are also reflected communist efforts to control the media, particularly through the regulatory moves. This chapter also pays attention to the period 1948-1956, when it focuses on how the political events of 1948 and...

The master's thesis Čin magazine in 1929 - 1939 deals with the cultural-political magazine Čin, which was issued in Prague in between the world wars. This left-wing and democratically orientated weekly, later a fortnightly, magazine focused on current cultural and public issues within former Czechoslovakia. The thesis aims to provide a thorough profile of what was an important and distinctive periodical in its time. Firstly, the thesis deals with outlining the notion of the magazine within the mass media, further on it describes the characteristics of the media landscape in the period of the first and second republic, where the printed media and their related area of problems are dealt with in detail. A subchapter on the cultural and political standing of Czechoslovakia in the 20s and 30s of the 20th century is also included, the focus is also on the position of the Čin magazine in the array of magazines of that time. The ensuing parts of the thesis already deal with the periodical itself, firstly in the period from 1929 to 1936, when the magazine was under the leadership of Marie Majerová, and secondly in the period of leadership of Bohumil Přikryl, that is from 1937 to 1939. These separate chapters inform about the publisher of the Čin magazine, the eponymous press and publishing cooperative of...