Like many American Indian tribes, the Coquille Indian Tribe of Oregon has endured long struggles to preserve its cultural traditions despite the impacts of colonization. Now, advancing climate change poses additional threats to indigenous ways of life. In recent decades, the Coquille have archived historical documents and photographs as a means to protect and assert their tribal sovereignty. There has also been a surge in photography within the Tribe to document contemporary tribal activities. Community photography may be a useful tool for the purpose of asserting tribal culture and self-determination in the face of a changing climate. Photovoice, a type of community photography in which photographs are combined with oral descriptions, may be particularly well suited for tribal purposes. This collaboration explores the value of community photography in general, and photovoice in particular, when used by the Coquille Indian Tribe in the context of climate change.

La déportation des Kurdes de 1836 à 1876 à l’époque l’Empire ottomanLa présente thèse a pour but de traiter l’ensemble des implications relatives au déclin de l’Empire ottoman et les efforts que la Porte a tenté pour s’en sortir. Nous étudierons les multiples facteurs de la centralisation et de la transformation de l’administration de l’Empire du XIXe siècle et après la déclaration du Tanzimat et le changement de politique vis-à-vis des Kurdes. Nous analyserons le statut des Emirs kurdes dans l’administration jusqu’à la politique de centralisation, et la politique de déportation et de sédantarisation des tribus kurdes y compris les Emirs Kurdes au début du XIXe siècle.L’autonomie des Emirs kurdes commença à disparaitre au début du XIXe siècle. La Porte souhaitait mettre fin à l’autonomie des Emirs qu’elle voulait soumettre à l’autorité du Sultan pour leur faire payer des impôts, y compris en soldats pour l’armée ottomane. Afin de les faire plier, Reşid Pacha fut nommé en 1833 et Hafiz Pacha lui succéda immédiatement après sa mort en 1836. Ce dernier réussira à battre Bedirkhan Bey en 1847 ce qui aboutira à l’abolition de l’autonomie des Emirs kurdes en tant que Hükümet, yurtluk-ocaklık et ocaklık, entrainant la deuxième conquête du Kurdistan par la Porte et sa reconnaissance en tant que province ottomane en 1847. La création de la province du Kurdistan en 1847 fut suivie de trois grands changements politiques de l’administration; la loi foncière en 1858, la régulation du statut des villes en 1864 et pour finir en 1867 à l’abolition de la province du Kurdistan. Tous ces changements au sein de l’Empire permirent de centraliser l’Etat.La déportation des Kurdes du XIXe siècle avait un aspect différent des précédentes. À partir de cette époque, la politique de déportation tournait autour de quatre grands axes : tout d’abord : la déportation pour sédentariser les tribus nomades kurdes dans le but de prélever des impôts, deuxièmement : la déportation pour diviser et contrôler les Emirs ou Bey kurdes, troisièmement : la déportation des kurdes pour imposer l’ordre et installer la sécurité au Kurdistan et finalement : la déportation des kurdes pour les civiliser et les assimiler. C’est grâce à l’étude de nombreuses sources manuscrites ottomanes du XIXe siècle ainsi que des sources secondaires en turc, français ou anglais concernant la période que nous avons pu mettre en avant ce qui a généré la disparation de l’autonomie des Emirs kurdes et leur déportation au sein de l’Empire à partir du XIXe siècle. / The deportation of the Kurds from 1836 to 1876 at the time the Ottoman EmpireThe purpose of this thesis is to deal with all the implications of the decline of the Ottoman Empire and the efforts made by the Porte to get by. We will study the multiple factors of the centralization and transformation of the administration of the Empire of the nineteenth century and after the declaration of the Tanzimat, the change of policy regarding the Kurds. We shall analyze the position of the Kurdish Emirs in the administration until the policy of centralization and the policy of deportation and sedation of the Kurdish tribes, including the Emirs in the early nineteenth century.The autonomy of the Kurdish Emirs began to disappear at the beginning of the 19th century. The Porte wanted to put an end to the autonomy of the Emirs in order to submit to the authority of the Sultan to make them pay taxes, including by giving soldiers to the Ottoman army. In order to make them fold, Reşid Pacha was appointed in 1833 and Hafiz Pacha succeeded him immediately after his death in 1836. The latter succeeded in defeating Bedirkhan Bey in 1847 which lead to the abolition of the autonomy of the Kurdish Emirs as Hükümet, yurtluk-ocaklık and ocaklık, bringing about the second conquest of Kurdistan through the Porte and its recognition as an Ottoman province in 1847. The creation of the province of Kurdistan in 1847 was followed by three major political changes in the administration; the land law in 1858, the regulation of the status of cities in 1864, and finally, in 1867, the abolition of the province of Kurdistan. All these changes within the Empire made possible to centralize the State.The deportation of the Kurds of the nineteenth century had a different aspect from the preceding one. From then on, the policy of deportation revolved around four major axes: first, deportation to settle the nomadic Kurdish tribes for the purpose of levying taxes; secondly, deportation to divide and control the Emirs or Bey Kurds, thirdly: the deportation of the Kurds to impose order and install security in Kurdistan and Finally: the deportation of the Kurds to civilize and assimilate them.It is thanks to the study of numerous Ottoman manuscript sources of the nineteenth century as well as secondary sources in Turkish, French or English concerning the period that we were able to highlight what has generated the disruption of the autonomy of the Kurdish Emirs and their deportation within the Empire from the nineteenth century onwards.

En l’absence d’autorité nationale, la majorité du peuple kurde a vécu selon un mode d’organisation social tribal régi par des coutumes. C’est donc en prenant les coutumes des sociétés tribales des Barzani comme exemple que nous allons montrer en quoi la coutume est le fondement de toute société tribale kurde. La confédération tribale Barzani regroupe sous son nom sept tribus (les Chérwâni, les Baroji, les Mazouri, les Dolamari, les Nazâri, les Harki-Bénagi et les Gardi) et est gérée par les cheikhs du village de Barzan, tout au nord du Kurdistan Irakien. La coutume des Barzani comprend l’ensemble des normes à la fois à l’origine des coutumes des Kurdes tribaux en général mais également les règles coutumières qui se sont développées selon l’évolution des conditions socio- économiques sous l’impact religieux des cheikhs de Barzan.Le mode de fonctionnement du pouvoir des cheikhs qui se donne pour objectif de garantir l’autonomie et la survie de la société tribale en s’appuyant sur la coutume et des principes de justice et de fraternité nous permet d’affirmer que la société tribale des Barzani peut être éventuellement comparée à un État.Parmi les Barzani le lien de parenté fondé sur la filiation patrilinéaire joue un rôle principal dans la vie sociale. La lignée avec à sa tête un chef est le segment le plus important dans un village et correspond à une unité du groupe agnatique composé de plusieurs familles. Au sein d’une lignée, les Barbes blanches, de par leur sagesse et leur grande connaissance des règles coutumières, sont respectées. Au sein de la famille de nature patriarcale, le père avait un pouvoir absolu sur les membres et les biens de sa famille. Une femme devait obéir à son mari, en respecter le prestige et la renommée notamment en faisant de l’hospitalité une valeur de la famille. De plus, la fidélité d’une femme envers son mari et la pureté des filles représentaient l’honneur de la famille. / In the absence of national authority, the majority of the Kurdish people live according to a familiar pattern of a social organisation governed by customs. Therefore, by taking the traditions of the Barzani tribal communities as an example; we will show how custom is the foundation of Kurdish tribal society.The tribal confederation of Barzani is made up of seven tribes (the Sherwani, the Baroji, the Mazouri, the Dolamari, the Nazari, the Harki-Benagi and the Gardi) which is managed by the sheikhs of the village of Barzan, in the far north of Iraqi Kurdistan.The custom of the Barzanis includes all tribal and societal norms which derive from the customs of tribes in general; and in particular, the customary rules developed according to the evolution of the socio-economic conditions under the religious impact of Barzani sheikhs.The functioning mode of sheikh’s powers aims to guarantee the autonomy and survival of tribal society, based on custom and the principles of justice and fraternity. Hence, it allows us to argue that the tribal society of Barzani can be compared to a state.Barzani kinship based on patrilineal descent plays a significant role in social life. The lineage headed by a chief is the most important segment in a village and corresponds to a unit of the agnatic group composed of several families. In a lineage, White Beards are considered to have the vast knowledge of customary rules and wisdom; henceforth, they are highly respected. The family was patriarchal, and the father had absolute power over the members and property of his family. A woman had to obey her husband and respect prestige and fame, primarily by making hospitality a family value. Besides, the fidelity of a woman to her husband and the purity of girls being the family's honour.

abstract: Belonging to a tribe or American Indian Indigenous group in the United States, even if one has already been enrolled or accepted into the community, is a lifelong endeavor. Belonging may be achieved by meeting specific criteria during one life stage yet one must continue to behave and act in ways that align with community expectations to maintain a sense of belonging throughout all life stages. This descriptive qualitative case study presents the findings of in-depth interviews, with five individual tribal members, two male and three female participants, ranging in age from 25 to 55, who are college graduates and tribal members. The study aimed to understand the different forms and ideas of belonging for tribal members, how the notion of belonging is understood and achieved over the life course, and how phenotypic arguments, blood quantum, the role of schooling and demonstration of tribal knowledge influences the extent to which belonging is earned and how that can change over time. The study sought to answer the following questions: How do tribal members define “belonging”? How and in what ways do tribal members learn how to become members of the community? And, what can tribal communities and tribal members do to foster a sense of belonging for members who have left to obtain professional or academic training and seek to return to serve the nation? The study focused on participants the Gila River Indian Community, a tribal community in southwest Arizona with approximately 23,000 enrolled members, who completed a higher education degree and sought to return to serve as professionals and/or leaders at their tribal nation. Interviews were conducted off-reservation in the Phoenix metropolitan area within a 30-day window and held during the month of September 2015. Interviews were analyzed using three iterative levels of content analysis. Findings suggest there can be three methods of belonging within Gila River: belonging by cultural practices, belonging by legal definition, and belonging by both cultural and legal definition. However, the three methods of belonging do not automatically equate to being accepted by other tribal members. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Educational Psychology 2018

This project started with the Taiwanese�s Cultural & Creative Industries Policy, which demands that all new products include local cultural content. However, little is known about Taiwanese cultures. This research looked specifically at one of the cultures, the Paiwanese Tribe. This thesis reports on the research journey; identifying what the Paiwanese knew about their culture and why they were unable to produce traditional products. It argues that the displacement of the tribe has made it materially impossible to continue traditional practices. This research then identified ways of capturing spirit of traditional culture using modern technology. A successful model of working with crafts people workshops in discussed. A case is made for the use of narrative enquiry and oral history to record Paiwanese understanding. These understandings were translated into a design outcome using a design method called narrative design. The success of this research suggests that such an approach is one model that can be used in design using new technologies and materials from the re-establishment method of traditional products. The understanding generated for regaining traditional craft knowledge is extended with the design of a tea set that draws on this traditional knowledge, narrative and culture. The tea set represents this knowledge for a global market. It is argued that the design process used can guide design that transforms the culture message and delivers it for a wide audience. This design concept process is a model that can be used to develop cultural products.

Conscious Living is a series of visual solutions to a current and escalating problem in increasingly populated modern societies between its citizens and the environment they inhabit. Documented in the photographs are two dissimilar intentional communities that both strive to operate harmoniously with the surrounding ecology. Originally intending to address the misconception that low impact living is uncomfortable or unsatisfying, this research and my firsthand experience has led to conclusions that are more complex and less didactic. Although the images focus on these two communities, ultimately the intention is to provide the viewer with new perspectives on these niche groups, as well as options to implement low impact alternatives to their lifestyle.

Mitt examensarbete från Designprogrammet − hållbar utveckling, är en under- sökning av flera dimensioner. Det övergripande arbetet är ett platsspecifikt insamlande av framtida visioner hos invånare, kommun och kreatör. Visualiseringen involverar samtliga av de ovan nämnda parterna i skapandet av en ny mötes- plats i ett medialt kategoriserat miljonprogramsområde. Med denna vilja följer en diskussion om, hur och/eller på vilket sätt detta arbete knyter an till design och vilken roll jag iklätt den. Designlösningen är i sin tur en identitet och ett koncept till uppstarten av en existerande vision om Zero Waste Lab − ett hållbar center i Alby, norra Botkyrka. Konceptet går under namnet Pop-up park och syftar till att inbjuda medborgare och aktörer att ta del i byggandet av visionen.

The structural development of Paiwan tribe traditional social ranks Abstract The Paiwan tribe, a native people in Taiwan, has a perfect traditional social rank. They have maintained their primitive, original tribal ranks in every tribe in Ping-tung county since the Japanese era till now in Taiwan. Before the primitive tribes were forced to move into level ground¡Xnew villages arranged by government, they lived a self-contained and self-sufficient lifestyle, poor and in lack of sources. However, their self-confidence, force of condense in their tribes are very steadily. Under being kept sight of their tribal tendency by Japanese, the common people in tribes always obey and respect their chief¡Xtribal leader, without being affected by the governors. The Japanese government had to face the big secret worries about how to control the conditions, than tried to persuade them to work as an attendant to manage their people. In 1945, the Chinese government ruled the Taiwan islands after World War II. Since the new ruler came from mainland China didn¡¦t have any awareness about the tribal culture in Paiwan primitive society, they regarded them as one kind of barbarian tribe came from China in ancient time. In order to control the conditions in a muddle within three months, they forced the native people in every tribal to accept the Chinese surname given by governor. Due to such kind of discriminative attitude against the tribal dignity, the native people were led to lose their traditional class consciousness and native identification to their original society until the declaration martial law ended in 1987. From 1987 to 1996, the new movement of asking human rights ¡V democracy and freedom like a rising wind and scudding clouds in whole islands. Consequently, the Paiwan tribe was also getting awareness to rebuild their primitive culture, Paiwan tribe consciousness, which had lost for forty-two years. The process of searching movement seems like looking for their relatives who had parted for more than forty years. Though they had their same blood relationship, they had lost the same life experiences for such a long time. Therefore, they could only make up for a few part even they tried to do their best effort. Thus, I¡¦ll try to analysis the phases of structural movement of Paiwan tribe traditional social ranks and the affections under the national policy, social background during these years. Chapter one includes the preface for introduction, the purposes of research, the study of bibliography, the ranges of the research, the methods and structures of the research to present the aspects of this paper. Chapter two discusses the original class forms, system of work, processes of the structural development of Paiwan tribe traditional social ranks to explain how the tribal chiefs manage their people, rule their tribal affairs in their territory before the external governor interrupted their principles of primitive society. Chapter three describes how the Taiwan external government new movement ¡§the policy of national assimilation¡¨ affected the tribal chiefs to control or manage their social orders and how the immigrants new idea ¡§communalism¡¨ works and what the government policy about managing the preservative land for tribal people is. Chapter four states what is the negative results of the traditional tribal ranks and ancestor sacrificial rites under the governor¡¦s plan control of their tribal resident movement and the external religions during the all-rounded communications between the tribal society and current society from 1950 to 1987¡Xthe phases of developing entire economics in Taiwan. Chapter five emphasizes on how the tribal people examined their own feelings and motives, thought deeply themselves critically from 1987 to 2005. Because of accepting the frame of democracy and being conscious of accumulation wealth help them to promote their cultural revives. Then every tribe and village founds one after another its relative groups, community culture associations, and shows their trials of class strength while holding their traditional wedding ceremony to strengthen their traditional awareness of class nature. Above all, we found that Taiwan tribes still maintained their essence of culture without being stoke down by the attack of the current social concepts and polices of government in every stage. That is, the system of firstborn inheritor is the basis of the ranks structure in Paiwan tribes till now. The firstborn inheritor influence the development of all relatives, certainly the other younger brothers and sisters not only give their respect to the original family but also offer all necessary helps to honor their original family. The firstborn inheritor also has the duty to hold the life rite for the relatives and give them supports in any emergency situations. Now, the real leading role and the ownership in traditional Paiwan tribe ranks society has changed into the leadership in spirit. Key words: Paiwan tribe, native people , tribal rank structure, cultural development , Tribal chief, common people.

Nominally, Thailand has never been colonized by western imperial states. However, just as Benedict Anderson stated that ¡§it¡¦s borders were colonially determined, therefore, one can see unusually clearly the emergence of a new state-mind within a ¡¥traditional¡¦ structure of political power¡¨. In order to resist the invasion of imperialism, Siam¡¦s rulers bent their attention to build a polity corresponded with the game rule of the Sovereign State System. It required that Siam¡¦s political and cultural boundaries must be overlapping. Then Thainess which was based on the trinitarian mystery of ¡§Nation, Religion, and King¡¨ was created, and became the central value of Thailand¡¦s national identity. During the last one hundred years, Thai rulers impose the Thai nationalism on their people within border. Consequently, there are so many conflicts between the dominant ethnic group and the ethnic minorities while the policy of national assimilation is put into practice by way of national education system, religion, and the mass media. Recently, with the tides of de-territorialization, and de-nationalization, the capability of nation-state as a basic unit of international system is questionable. It¡¦s the best time to rethink the constituents of nation-sate, especially the role of boundary and identity. Undoubtedly, Thailand is the best object of study because of it¡¦s distinctive historical legacy.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Washington State University, December 2009. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on Jan. 19, 2010). "Program in American Studies." Includes bibliographical references (p. 104-109).