No description available.

This essay analyzes the connections between some of the theories about masculinities and the sociopolitical context of Chile under the dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet in the movie Tony Manero, by Pablo Larrain, and the novel Mala onda, by Alberto Fuguet. It proposes that the dictator and consequently the ideology of dictatorship are exacerbated representations of masculinity, and this study signals their inherent contradictions and repercussions in this country\'s social environment during its period of authoritarian regime. From this perspective, the protagonists of both fictional works, who come from different social and economic sectors of the Chilean society, can be considered oppressed individuals and oppressors themselves within this context, establishing different kinds of relationship with it. The oppression that they suffer is not only characterized by the authoritarian practices in force but also "and mainly" by the explicit and implicit guidelines of a "code of masculinity" that is put across by the regime and which affects society as a whole. Additionally, actively or passively and in a more or less conscious way, from the male groups to which they belong, both leading characters dominate (or try to do so) the groups of men from lower levels of the hierarchical social ranking and all groups of women. Therefore, oppression is an effective tool used to help maintain the structure of the dictatorship itself and, as a result, the ideological basis of men\'s domination. / Master of Arts

No description available.

This study analyzes one of the most active memories of state repression during democracy in Argentina: the memorial advertisements (recordatorios) of those disappeared by the most recent military dictatorship (1976-1983), which are published on a daily basis in the newspaper Página/12. In this thesis, I focus on the pictures of the victims of state repression that appear within the frame of these memorials as the expression of both cultural and personal memory. The leader of Grandmothers of Plaza de Mayo, Estela de Carlotto, published the first recordatorio on the tenth anniversary of her daughter’s death, in August 1988. During that same year, 20 relatives of disappeared people went to the newspaper and followed Carlotto’s footsteps, publishing advertisements themselves. Currently, more than 20 years after the first advertisement was published, three to five recordatorios appear in the newspaper every day. The emergence of the recordatorios inaugurates a new discursive genre as contradictory as the disappearance itself. On the one hand, they are connected to the announcements related to the search for missing people (serving the goal of finding a person alive). On the other hand, the recordatorios also resemble obituaries (making a tribute to someone that has passed away). The recordatorio thus emerges as an impossible reality, following the logic of both genres, thus performing both functions in a paradoxical way. This study focuses on the family pictures that appear in the recordatorios and sheds light on how they illustrate the entanglement of the family and the public sphere, and contribute to the debate on the role of personal subjectivity in the construction of collective memory. From a multidisciplinary perspective, the present thesis aims to capture the complexity surrounding these texts and the familial imagery they include, looking at the inherent tension between the private tragedy of a family that has lost one of its members and the public character that stems from their publication in one of Argentina’s national newspapers. / text

Orientador: Carlos Alberto Sampaio Barbosa / Banca: José Luis Bendicho Beired / Banca: Fábio da Silva Sousa / Resumo: A ditadura Militar brasileira e Argentina interferiram de diversas formas nas atividades artísticas, sejam elas na censura de obras, morte e desaparecimento de atores culturais. Contudo, este trabalho tem por objetivo problematizar como ambas as Ditaduras Militares se utilizaram do Cinema para fomentar certos valores que eram prezados pelos governos. Assim, recorremos a duas películas que foram produzidas durante as ditaduras, uma de produção brasileira e outra de produção Argentina. A película brasileira selecionada foi Batalha de Guararapes (1978) dirigida por Paulo Thiago, e a produção Argentina é De Cara al Cielo (1979) dirigida por Enrique Dawi. Em ambos os filmes trabalhamos como os conceitos de Nacionalismo, Inimigos, Identidade e Civilização foram articulados para uma possível propaganda dos regimes. Além da análise desses conceitos, trabalhamos como os militares regulamentaram e fomentaram as culturas nacionais, seja por meio de criação de agências reguladoras ou por meio de financiamento de obras artísticas. Neste sentido, o nosso trabalho pensa as ditaduras por outro viés, ao olharmos as políticas culturais oficiais, estamos enxergando uma nova dimensão de atuação das ditaduras, e como os atores culturais puderam utilizar aos seus proveitos estes projetos que partiram do governo / Abstract: The Brazilian military dictatorship and Argentina interfered in various ways in the artistic activities, be they in the censorship of works, death and disappearance of cultural actors. However, this work aims to problematize how both Military Dictators used Cinema to foster certain values that were prized by governments. Thus, we resorted to two films that were produced during the dictatorships, one of Brazilian production and another of Argentine production. The Brazilian film selected was Batalha de Guararapes (1978) directed by Paulo Thiago, and the Argentine production is De Cara al Cielo (1979) directed by Enrique Dawi. In both films we worked as the concepts of Nationalism, Enemies, Identity and Civilization were articulated for a possible propaganda of the regimes. In addition to the analysis of these concepts, we work as the military regulates and fosters national cultures, either through the creation of regulatory agencies or through the financing of artistic works. In this sense, our work thinks dictatorships for another bias, when we look at official cultural policies, we are seeing a new dimension of dictatorships, and how cultural actors could use these projects that came out of government / Mestre

A pesquisa analisa periódicos produzidos por brasileiros exilados no Chile entre 1968 e 1973, com o objetivo de identificar como esses intelectuais concebiam o Brasil e a América Latina a partir das experiências do exílio e das revisões das concepções teóricas que regiam a ação dos grupos de esquerda. Foram selecionados para análise os periódicos com maior duração e circulação: o Frente Brasileño de Informaciones, publicado entre 1968 e 1973 pelo Comitê de Denúncia de Repressão no Brasil, e o Campanha, produzido a partir de 1972 pelo grupo de esquerda Fração Bolchevique. Embora apresentassem posicionamentos políticos distintos, ambos debatiam as complexas transformações do exílio e possibilitavam a troca de informações e ideias entre os grupos de brasileiros presentes no Chile, no Brasil e na Europa. Após a implantação do regime militar chileno em 1973, que obrigou os brasileiros a partirem para um novo exílio, o Campanha reapareceu em Paris e passou a apresentar artigos que evidenciavam uma grande alteração de perspectivas sobre a realidade latino-americana e sobre os projetos revolucionários discutidos e conduzidos a partir do exílio. A pesquisa também analisa a trajetória desse periódico em Paris para observar qual foi o impacto da vivência do exílio no Chile e do golpe militar de 1973 para a redefinição das concepções e estratégias de ação do grupo que o produzia. Por meio da análise dos textos e imagens dos impressos produzidos no Chile e também do Campanha após sua reorganização em 1974, almeja-se identificar quais alterações ocorreram nas diferentes abordagens sobre o exílio, o Brasil, a América Latina e a Esquerda. A pesquisa estende-se até o ano de 1979, quando os exilados começam a retornar ao Brasil, intensificando os debates sobre a redemocratização e a reinserção numa sociedade por tanto tempo imaginada e muito distante da realidade que viriam encontrar. / The research analyzes journals produced by Brazilians exiles in Chile between 1968 and 1973, aiming to identify how these intellectuals understood Brazil and Latin America according to the experiences of exile and the reviews of the theoretical concepts that guide the actions of leftist groups. Two journals that have greater duration and circulation were selected for the analysis: Frente Brasileño de Informaciones, published between 1968 and 1973 by the Comitê de Denúncia e Repressão no Brasil, and Campanha, produced in 1972 by a group denominated Fração Bolchevique. Although they presented different political positions, both debated the complex transformations from exile and made possible the exchange of information and ideas between groups of Brazilians present in Chile, Brazil and Europe. After the implementation of the Chilean military regime in 1973, which forced the Brazilian to leave for a new exile, Campanha reappeared in Paris and began to submit articles that demonstrate a significant change in perspectives on the Latin American reality and about the revolutionary projects discussed and led from exile. The survey also examines the trajectory of this journal in Paris to see how the impact of living in exile in Chile and the military coup of 1973 redefine the concepts and action strategies of the group that produced it. Through analysis of texts and images of printed materials produced in Chile and also from Campanha after its reorganization in 1974, we aim to identify what changes occurred in the different approaches on exile, Brazil, Latin America and the Left. The research extends to the year 1979, when the exiles began to return to Brazil, intensifying the debate on democratization and reintegration in society for so long imagined and far from reality that they would find.

Thesis advisor: Peter Krause / What explains the lack of democracy in the Arab Middle East, when so many other, less wealthy regions of the world have democratized over the past five decades? This thesis engages with each of the major explanations for the "Arab democracy deficit"--Islam, the "oil curse," authoritarian statecraft, and external intervention--but argues that there is a more fundamental culprit for the region's woes: the weakness of state-based nationalism. At a time when nationalism is increasingly seen as synonymous with exclusion and discrimination, such a finding may strike many observers as counterintuitive. However, this thesis theoretically and empirically demonstrates how healthy, state-based nationalism can provide the societal cohesion needed to establish liberal governance. It then offers in-depth analyses of the development of national identity and democracy in eleven separate Arab countries, arguing that the rise of regional Arab nationalism in the 1950s severely undermined the development of state-based nationalism (wataniyya), and laid the groundwork for decades of instability, civil strife, and oppression. Fortunately, the examples of Tunisia and Lebanon--and to some extent Jordan and Morocco--demonstrate that wataniyya can lead to much more democratic outcomes when properly nurtured. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2017. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Scholar of the College. / Discipline: Political Science.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo compreender, através de anúncios publicitários veiculados em revistas de grande circulação entre os anos de 1968 e 1973, as relações estabelecidas entre o regime ditatorial brasileiro e importantes setores da sociedade civil brasileira: as camadas médias e altas, amplas consumidoras das mercadorias anunciadas e interlocutoras privilegiadas dos anúncios, nos quais se expressam imaginários sociais, valores morais, anseios e expectativas; o amplo leque de anunciantes, com seus distintos objetivos mercadológicos e ideológicos, indo do próprio governo ditatorial à burguesia nacional e internacional, e suas intersecções; e o setor publicitário, que na criação dos anúncios reúne não somente objetivos e expectativas dos outros dois agentes, mas também expressam sentidos e questões inerentes à própria profissão. O resultado é um produto cultural bastante singular e revelador das tensões políticas e sociais existentes no contexto ditatorial, sobretudo nos anos do milagre econômico, que condensam tais tensões na dupla alcunha de anos de ouro e anos de chumbo, e que compõem o recorte temporal desta pesquisa. / The objective of this research is to understand, through commercial advertisements published in magazines of great circulation between the years of 1968 and 1973, the relations established between the Brazilian dictatorship and important sectors of Brazilian civil society: the middle and upper classes, large consumers of the advertised commodities and privileged interlocutors of the advertisements, in which are expressed social imaginaries, moral values, wishes and expectations; the wide range of advertisers, with their distinct market and ideological goals, ranging from the dictatorial government to the national and international bourgeoisie and its intersections; and the advertising sector, which in the creation of the ads brings together not only the goals and expectations of the other two subjects, but also express meanings and issues inherent to the profession itself. The result is a singular cultural product that revealing the political and social tensions being in the dictatorial context, especially in the years of the \"economic miracle\", which condense such tensions into the double nickname of \"golden years\" and \"years of lead,\" and which compose the temporal limits of this research.

O tema proposto para estudo é investigar, delimitar e compreender os graus de autonomia e interferência existentes dentro do Itamaraty durante o regime militar brasileiro. O objeto central da análise é, para tanto, a vida, carreira e atuação do ex-membro do corpo diplomático brasileiro, Antônio Francisco Azeredo da Silveira, Ministro das Relações Exteriores durante o governo de Ernesto Geisel, entre 1974-1979. As fontes utilizadas são basicamente o arquivo pessoal do diplomata disponibilizado e digitalizado pelo CPDOC/FGV além de documentação oficial da Comissão Nacional da Verdade disponível online, também são consultados periódicos. A base teórica parte de David do Nascimento Batista que aponta como Habitus Diplomático sendo capaz de indicar a reformulação de práticas pela qual o Itamaraty passou durante o regime militar, entretanto, sem encerrar a discussão sobre autonomia e identidade nacional dentro do Ministério das Relações Exteriores, a pesquisa procura ajudar a preencher uma lacuna na historiografia brasileira no que diz respeito a atuação diplomática brasileira durante o regime militar. / The subject proposed for study in this research is to investigate, delimitate and understand the different levels of autonomy and interference that existed inside the Itamaraty during the brazilian dictatorship. The main object of analysis is the life, career and performance of an ex-member of the brazilian diplomacy, Antônio Azeredo da Silveira, Foreign Relations Minister during the administration of Ernesto Geisel, in the years of 1974-1979. The sources used in this investigation are basically the Personal Archive of the diplomat, avaiable and digitalized at CPDOC/FGV. Besides that, are also used offical documents of the Comissão Nacional da Verdade avaiable online, were consulted as well some periodics and secundary sources. The theorical basis have as fundamental mark what David do Nascimento Batista points out as Habitus Diplomático being capable of indicate an reformulation of practices wich Itamaraty had been through during the dictatorship, nevertheless, do not put an end in the discussion about autonomy and national identity. This research intends to help to fullfill an important blank in the brazilian historiography about the performance of the brazilian diplomacy during the dictatorship.

Em “Discursos sobre saúde nas páginas da Revista Veja (1968 – 1974)” trato dos discursos sobre saúde, publicados num veículo de comunicação, que estava surgindo no Brasil, no final da década de 1960, neste caso, a Revista Veja. Levando em consideração as poucas produções acerca da saúde no Brasil, durante o período selecionado, a presente dissertação tem como objetivo verificar e caracterizar os discursos sobre saúde, existentes nessa década e veiculados na Revista, principalmente na seção intitulada “Medicina”. Para tanto, utilizo-me, neste trabalho, de alguns pressupostos próprios dos Estudos Culturais, como a compreensão de que as revistas educam as pessoas, através de suas reportagens, oferecendo não apenas informações, mas também maneiras de compreender o mundo. Além disso, faço uso do conceito de discurso para mapear o que se pensava e o que se falava, mesmo que em linhas gerais, a respeito da saúde, no Brasil e no mundo. Procuro também demonstrar como as reportagens da Revista Veja, e os discursos que articulavam, mantinham forte relação com o momento histórico do período analisado. / In "Discourses on Health in the pages of Veja Magazine (1968 - 1974)" I deal with health discourses, published in a vehicle of communication that was emerging in Brazil in the late of 1960s, in this case, Veja Magazine. Taking into account the few health productions in Brazil during the selected period, this dissertation aims to verify and characterize the discourses on health existing in the period and linked in the Magazine, mainly in the section entitled "Medicine". For this, I use in this academic work some assumptions specific to Cultural Studies, such as the understanding that magazines educate people through their reports, offering not only information but also ways to understand the world. In addition, I use the concept of discourse to map what was thought and what was said, even broadly, about health in Brazil and in the world. I also try to demonstrate how Veja Magazine's reports and the discourses that articulated maintained a strong relationship with the historical moment of the analyzed period.