Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of economics, March 2001. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

This case-study provides a critical evaluation of the effects of neo-liberal (market-driven) reforms in achieving the goal of human security in Sierra Leone after the civil conflict in 2002. In the context of Sierra Leone, there are fundamental questions about the basic security of the population. This mean the ability to live without fear of conflict and the security to do with the ordinary lives of Sierra Leoneans. This is absolutely central to the post-war reconstruction of that country. It represents a major concern for the international community, the Sierra Leone Government, foreign government donors as well as the NGO communities. Underlying these issues is the subject of which development paragon is best suitable in addressing these questions, and what impact will it have on the people. To understand this, the study has framed the issues of education and health, the two aspects which this thesis focuses upon, as a commitment to human security. Human security has become a dominant theme for many development organisations around the world because of it connection with security and development. Education and health are important because they are crucial social and basic human right that should be provided without any form of unfairness by the state. Because of their multiplier effect, they assist in eradicating poverty and further the attainment of human security. The reforms, which includes privatisation and decentralisation, has been imposed primarily by the World Bank and the IMF to transform the education and health system in order to improve the human security of the Sierra Leonean people. Proponents of these reforms argued that it would provide equal access, make the system more efficient, provide more choices for the population, and enhances accountability and citizens’ participation in governance. As a result of these, the study is important for three reasons: first, it assesses the success of these reforms; second, it offers a better understanding of socio-economic development related to education and health as they are now viewed as a commodity; and third, it suggests ways of enhancing the performance of its delivery intended to assist the population. The evaluation is informed by critical theory, the theoretical framework because: of its usefulness in understanding the concept of power/knowledge, ideology and governance, as neo-liberalism has become a discourse of global common sense that frames policy options as though they were natural or not to be questioned, and yet serve to reinforce the interests of dominant groups. Critical theory enable us to make sense of the hidden power relations in the way knowledge/policy is constituted. Second, critical theory is also a qualitative approach and hence comes as a way of critiquing quantitative methodology. The study argues that it is very problematic to imagine that this strategy (neo-liberal reforms) is actually for the great masses of people living in poor conditions, while it does not address their needs and does nothing to deal with the security of their lives. The study found that the reforms were considered undemocratic, and has led to unequal access thus augmenting fears of stratification on the basis of an individual being rich or poor. Therefore, the study recommends that if the goal of human security is to be achieved, it is important to strengthen citizens’ and other local actors’ voices in governance to develop effective local policies; and government intervention and commitment is also needed to improve the performance of public schools and health care institutions in order to make them more competitive so that they can co-exist with their private counterparts. Key Words: Neo-liberalism, critical theory, education policy, health policy, human security, privatisation, decentralisation, social justice, socio-economic development.

This paper examines the correlation between credit intermediated by financial systems and economic growth in developing countries. More specifically we have studied whether well-functioning financial markets result in economic growth. We base our study on data from 53 low- and lower-middle income countries in the period 2004-2011. By comparing the two different economic theories, Schumpeter’s growth theory and Austrian business cycle theory, we have analysed our results from two different perspectives. The results from this study show an insignificant relationship between financial systems and economic growth, contradicting much of the theory and results from previous studies that have been reviewed. Other variables outside of the financial system in this study, such as economic freedom and corruption, could be a reason for the non-existent correlation between financial development and economic growth in this study.

La présente recherche vise à reconstituer la position de la revue Mensaje, pendant 15 ans d'histoire du Chili (1958-1973). Ainsi, par le biais d’une méthodologie inductive et qualitative, l’étude effectue une analyse de l’interprétation de cette publication. De cette façon, par la codification de tous les articles par sujet ou par thématique, ce travail met en évidence les concepts centraux utilisés par Mensaje, au moyen desquels la revue a analysé la période étudiée. En outre, la recherche établit une relation entre ces concepts et propose un scénario fondé sur un terme transversal, celui de “changement social”, propre à tous les articles. L’étude, est composée de deux sections: «L'importance du changement social» et «Deux modèles de changement social». Ces deux sections sont complémentaires ; les débats et les concepts qui émergent dans la première section sont analysés, approfondis et mis en perspective sur le territoire chilien au cours de la seconde section. Chacune de ces sections est subdivisée en trois chapitres, qui examinent chronologiquement les concepts centraux, commentés par Mensaje.Le premier chapitre de la section initiale « L’importance du changement social » examine le concept de «communisme» et la façon dont la publication présente le « communisme » comme «une urgence» et «un problème» en raison de son «impact croissant». Le magazine Mensaje a interprété cette influence progressive du «communisme» en tant que symptôme d'un problème: «le malaise social en expansion». Dans ce contexte, Mensaje propose en réponse le renforcement des corps intermédiaires et l'application de la théorie du développement économique, en faveur de la modification des structures économiques et sociales. Le deuxième chapitre propose une analyse relationnelle entre la Révolution Cubaine et Alliance for Progress (ALPRO). Les deux événements ont favorisé, mais pas par la même voie, une valeur ajouté pour le «changement social». Le troisième chapitre traite de la mise en place de la «réforme agraire » au Chili comme un signe de l'arrivée du « changement social » sur le territoire. Dans ce contexte, l’analyse porte sur l'influence et l'impact de l'expérience de la répartition et distribution des terres de la hiérarchie de l'Église parmi ses travailleurs, comme un symbole d'approbation d’un modèle spécifique de « changement social ».La deuxième section traite spécifiquement de deux modèles chiliens de «changement social»: le premier revolución en libertad (révolution en liberté), le deuxième transición al socialismo (transition vers le socialisme). Dans ce scénario, le premier chapitre analyse l'émergence et la consolidation du parti démocrate-chrétien (PDC) dans l'arène politique et sa victoire présidentielle en 1964. Le magazine Mensaje soutiendra le gouvernement d'Eduardo Frei (PDC) et son projet «révolution en liberté» jusqu'à 1967. Le deuxième chapitre étudie la désillusion de la revue concernant le projet PDC, ainsi que l'explication de son échec. Néanmoins, la publication confirme l'existence de transformations dans la société chilienne, mais ceci par la multiplication des mouvements sociaux. La dernière partie de cette section étudie le succès de Unidad Popular (Unité Populaire) - l'union des mouvements et des partis de gauche, certains marxistes - lors des élections présidentielles de 1970. La revue finit par analyser la présence éventuelle d'une «extrême-droite fasciste» au Chili. Enfin, le dernier chapitre, commente directement les trois ans de gouvernement de l'UP et son projet de "transition vers le socialisme", en quatre moments: «Situation continentale», «Construction d'un espace social dominant», «Crise de confiance dans le jeu politique des partis» et enfin «Coup d'état (1973)». / The present research aims to reconstruct the position of the magazine Mensaje throughout fifteen years of Chile’s history (1958-1973). Through an inductive and qualitative methodology, a review on the interpretation of this publication has been reached. In this way, through the codification of all articles by topic, this work introduces the central concepts used by Mensaje, which the journal employed to analyse this historical period. In addition to this, the research proposes a relationship or storyline between these concepts, born from a transversal term throughout the articles: "social change". In regard to the structure of the study, the work is divided into two sections: "the importance of social change" and "two models of social change". Both sections are complementary: while debates and concepts emerge in the first section, the second pursues them and delves into them in Chilean soil. Each one of these sections is subdivided into three chapters, which chronologically examine the central concepts commented by Mensaje.The first chapter of the initial section “the importance of social change” examines the concept of "communism" and how it constitutes “an urgency” and a “problem" for the publication due to its "growth". Mensaje interprets the progressive influence of “communism” as a symptom of a problem: the "expanding social malaise". In this scenario Mensaje proposes the strengthening of intermediary bodies and the application of the theory of economic development in favour of changing the social and economic structures as an answer. The second chapter propose a comparative analysis between the Cuban Revolution and the Alliance for Progress (ALPRO). Both events promoted, although not in the same way, a greater value for "social change". The third chapter deals with the implementation of the "agrarian reform" in Chile, as a sign of the arrival of "social change” to the territory. In this context, we analyse the influence and impact of the experience of the distribution of land owned by the Church’s hierarchy amongst its workers, as a symbol of approval of a specific model of "social change".The second section deals with two specific Chilean models of "social change": the first “revolución en libertad" (revolution in freedom), the second “transición al socialismo” (transition to socialism). In this context, the first chapter analyses the emergence and consolidation of the Christian Democratic Party (PDC) in the political arena, through the gain of the presidency in 1964. The magazine Mensaje explicitly supports the government of Eduardo Frei (PDC) and its project "revolution in freedom". The second chapter studies the magazines disillusionment in respect to the PDC’s political project, and gives an explanation for its failure. Nevertheless, the publication confirms the existence of transformations in Chilean society by the multiplication of social movements. The last part of this section studies the success of “Unidad Popular” (Popular Unity) -a union of left-wing movements and parties, some of them Marxist- in the presidential elections of 1970. The magazine ends by analysing the possible presence of a "fascist right" in Chile. Finally, the last chapter comments directly on the three years of government of the UP and its project to "transit to socialism” in four moments: "continental situation", "construction of a dominant social area", "crisis of confidence in the political game of parties" and finally "coup d'état (1973)". / La presente investigación tiene como objetivo reconstruir la postura de la revista Mensaje a lo largo de 15 años de la historia de Chile (1958-1973). Así, mediante una metodología inductiva y cualitativa, el presente trabajo analiza el discurso de la publicación en el periodo. De tal modo, el trabajo por medio de la codificación de los artículos por temáticas recoge los conceptos centrales a través de los cuales la revista interpretó los diversos sucesos. Por otra parte, esta reflexión establece una relación entre estos conceptos a partir del término “cambio social”, noción recurrente en los artículos. Respecto a la estructura este estudio se organiza en dos secciones complementarias: “la importancia del cambio social” y “dos modelos de cambio social”. En la primera sección el trabajo relaciona debates y conceptos socio-políticos, mientras que la segunda se aparta de una esfera más teórica para ponerlos a prueba en el contexto chileno. Cada uno de estos apartados se subdividen en tres capítulos que examinan cronológicamente las temáticas comentadas por Mensaje.Así, el primer capítulo de la sección inicial estudia el concepto de “comunismo” y cómo para la publicación este constituyó una “urgencia” y un “problema” debido a su crecimiento, interpretado como síntoma del “creciente malestar social”. Así, Mensaje propone como respuesta el fortalecimiento de los “cuerpos intermedios” y la aplicación de la “teoría del desarrollo” a favor del cambio de la estructura económica y social. El segundo capítulo propone un análisis relacional entre la Revolución Cubana y Alianza para el Progreso (ALPRO). Ambos acontecimientos que promocionaron, aunque no del mismo modo, un mayor valor por el “cambio social”. El tercer capítulo aborda la implementación de la “reforma agraria” en Chile como signo de la llegada del “cambio social” al territorio. En este contexto, se analiza la influencia e impacto que tuvo el reparto de tierras de la jerarquía de la Iglesia Católica entre sus trabajadores como señal de aprobación de modelo específico de “cambio social”. La segunda sección trata específicamente sobre dos modelos chilenos de “cambio social”: “revolución en libertad” y “transición al socialismo”. El primer capítulo considera la consolidación del Partido Demócrata Cristiano (PDC), el cual logra la presidencia en 1964 con el candidato Eduardo Frei y el proyecto “revolución en libertad”, a los que la revista Mensaje apoyó explícitamente. El segundo capítulo expone la desilusión de la revista respecto al proyecto, así como la explicación sobre su fracaso. No obstante, la publicación confirma la existencia de transformaciones en la sociedad chilena por la multiplicación de los movimientos sociales. La última parte de esta sección, estudia el éxito en las elecciones presidenciales de 1970 por la Unidad Popular (UP) –unión de movimientos y partidos de izquierda, algunos marxistas–. La revista termina analizando la posible presencia de una derecha “fascista” en Chile. Finalmente, el último capítulo, analiza, en cuatro momentos, los tres años de gobierno de la UP y su proyecto “tránsito al socialismo”: “situación continental”, “construcción del un área social dominante”, “crisis de confianza en el juego político de partidos” y “golpe de estado (1973)”.