Thesis (PhD)-- Stellenbosch University, 1995. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The history of the Oorlam Afrikaners began in the seventeenth century during the disintegration of the Cape Khoikhoi. Through this process a number of independent family groups came into existence. One of these, the Oorlam Afrikaners, had the ability to adapt to changing circumstances. This allowed them, despite their relative small numbers, to develop into a driving force in the history of Namaqua- and Namaland. The first two phases in this development were led by Klaas Afrikaner and his son, Jager Afrikaner. At the time of Jager Afrikaner's death in 1822, his people were living at Blydeverwacht and Jerusalem in southern Namaland. On his deathbed he handed over the leadership of the Oorlam Afrikaners to his second son, Jonker Afrikaner. This gave rise to dissatisfaction which eventually led to a split in the ranks and the moving of Jonker and his followers northwards. Due to Jonker's military skills and the advantages he and his followers had because of their access to firearms and ammunition, they established a reputation for effective warfare. In the thirties this in turn encouraged a Nama tribe, the Red Nation, to ask their help in defeating the Herero when they (the Nama) were driven from their traditional pastures. After driving the Herero back to the area north of the Kuiseb River, Jonker and his followers themselves settled in Central-Namaland, residing at places like Niais, Tsebris and eventually Windhoek. The Oorlam Afrikaners' position of power was vulnerable in one aspect - it was depended on the preservation of their access to firearms and ammunition for its existence and survival. Because of this Jonker initiated contact with the missionaries and traders by means of the English traveller, James Edward Alexander, who visited him in 1837. This in tum set in motion a chain of events which would clearly illustrate the interdependence of the indigenous people, missionaries and traders. Edward Cook and Joseph Tindall of the Wesleyan Mission Society were the first missionaries to visit the northern Oorlam Afrikaners. Their claim on Jonker, however, was not acknowledged by the Rhenish missionaries, Heinrich Kleinschmidt and Carl Hugo Hahn, who settled in Windhoek with Jonker's permission. Here an exceptional relationship developed between Jonker and Kleinschmidt. Jonker's wish to reunite the Oorlam Afrikaners and the unwillingness of the Wesleyan missionaries of the southern Afrikaners to work together with the Rhenish missionaries, eventually forced Kleinschmidt and Hahn to leave Windhoek. Meanwhile traders had arrived in the country. They supplied firearms, ammunition, brandy and other commodities to Jonker and his people on credit. By 1846 the indigenous people were so deeply in debt that they saw no other option than to start raiding the Herero in order to pay what they owed. Thus a period of violence and clashes across cultural borders and even within tribes began. Tension between Jonker and one of his Herero allies, Kahitjene, for example led to an attack on Kahitjene and the destruction of the mission station at Okahandja by Jonker in August 1850. A further escalation in violence was temporarily prevented by the arrival of the English traveller, Francis Galton. He threatened Jonker with British reprisals. After his departure growing resistance of indigenous leaders against Jonker erupted in an attack on Windhoek in May 1854. Again tension in the country was suppressed by external factors, this time the arrival of the copper miners. They promoted peace because the continuation of their work was impossible without it. Through their mediation the Matchlessmine Peace was concluded in November 1855. At the same time the way in which they played off the indigenous groups against each other, forced these leaders to form a collective forum against the mining community. This was done in the Treaty of Hoachanas, concluded in 1858. In 1858, after moving around and residing at Grootwarmfontein and Okapuka, Jonker and his people moved to Okahandja. With Okahandja as base, he became involved in Ovambo politics. Two years later, when the outbreak of lungsickness made the obtaining of cattle in the interior impossible, his previous contact gave him the opportunity to raid the Ovambo. He returned an ill man and died on 16 August 1861 in Okahandja. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Christiaan Afrikaner. After his death it became clear that the Oorlam Afrikaners owed the attaining of their position of power to the leadership abilities of Jonker Afrikaner. Through a combination of diplomacy and a display of power, and the way in which he manipulated people and group relations, he succeeded in setting the pace for events in the whole region between the Orange and Kunene Rivers. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die geskiedenis van die Afrikaner-Oorlams begin tydens die disintegrasie van die Kaapse Khoikhoi in die sewentiende eeu. Deur die loop van hierdie proses het verskeie onafhanklike familiegroepe, soos die Afrikaner-Oorlams, tot stand gekom. Hoewel aanvanklik klein en onbeduidend, het hulle vermoe om hulle by veranderende omstandighede aan te pas, mettertyd gelei tot die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaner-Oorlam-familiegroep as 'n magsfaktor in die geskiedenis van Namakwa- en Namaland. Die eerste twee fases van hierdie ontwikkeling het plaasgevind o.l.v. Klaas Afrikaner, en toe sy seun Jager. Toe Jager Afrikaner in 1822 oorlede is, het hy die leisels aan sy tweede oudste seun, Jonker Afrikaner, oorhandig. Op hierdie stadium het die Afrikaner- Oorlams in suidelike Namaland, by Blydeverwacht en Jerusalem, gewoon. Jager se optrede het tot 'n skeuring in Afrikaner-geledere gelei. Jonker Afrikaner se volgelinge het, danksy sy krygsvernuf en die voorsprong wat hulle toegang tot wapens en ammunisie hulle gegee het, 'n reputasie vir effektiewe oorlogvoering opgebou. Dit het 'n Nama-groep, die Rooinasie, aangespoor om hulle om hulp te vra toe hulle in die dertiger jare deur die Herero uit hulle tradisionele weivelde verdring is. Jonker-hulIe het die Herero teruggedryf tot anderkant die Kuisebrivier en hulle toe self in sentraal-Namaland gevestig, onder meer by Niais, Tsebris en uiteindelik by Windhoek. Jonker-hulle se nuwe magsposisie was kwesbaar in die opsig dat die daarstelling en voortbestaan daarvan afhanklik was van die behoud van hulle toegang tot vuurwapens en ammunisie. Daarom het Jonker in 1837, d.m.v. die Engelse reisiger James Edward Alexander, kontak met sendelinge en handelaars geYnisieer. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot 'n reeks gebeure wat die ineengestrengeldheid van die lotgevalle van die inheemse inwoner, sendeling en handelaar sterk na yore gebring het. Die eerste sendelinge wat die noordelike Afrikaner-Oorlams besoek het, was eerwaardes Edward Cook en Joseph Tindall van die Wesleyaanse Sendinggenootskap. Die Rynse sendelinge, Heinrich Kleinschmidt en Carl Hugo Hahn, het die Wesleyane se aanspraak op Jonker egter nie erken nie en hulle, met Jonker se toestemming, op Windhoek gevestig. Hier het mettertyd 'n besondere vertrouensverhouding tussen Jonker en Kleinschmidt ontwikkel. Jonker se begeerte om die onderskeie Afrikaner-Oorlam-groepe te herenig en die suidelike Afrikaners se sendelinge, die Wesleyane. se onwilligheid om met die RSG saam te werk, het Kleinschmidt-hulle egter uiteindelik gedwing om Windhoek te verlaat. Ondertussen het handelaars in die land aangekom wat ammunisie, vuurwapens, brandewyn en ander handelsartikels op krediet aan Jonker en sy mense verskaf het. Teen 1846 was die inheemse bevolking so diep in die skuld dat hulle geen ander uitweg gesien het as om die Herero te begin beroof om hulle skuld te delg nie. Hierdie optrede het 'n tydperk van geweld en botsings oor kultuurgrense heen en selfs binne stamverband ingelei. Spanning tussen Jonker en een van sy Herero-bondgenote Kahitjene, het byvoorbeeld gelei tot 'n aanval op laasgenoemde en die vernietiging van die sendingstasie Okahandja, in Augustus 1850. 'n Verdere eskalasie in geweld is tydelik verhinder deur die aankoms van die Engelse reisiger Francis Galton, wat Jonker gedreig het met Britse militere optrede. Na sy vertrek het opbouende verset teen Jonker onder inheemse leiers in Mei 1854 tot uitbarsting gekom in 'n aanval op Windhoek. Weer eens is die spanning in die land onderdruk deur eksterne faktore, die keer die aankoms van koperdelwers. Hulle het vrede aangemoedig omdat die voortsetting van hulle werksaamhede daarsonder onmoontlik was. Deur hulle bemiddeling is die Matchless-myn Vrede in November 1855 gesluit. Terselfdertyd het die wyse waarop hulle die verskillende inheemse groepe teen mekaar afgespeel het, inheemse leiers genoodsaak om die Traktaat van Hoachanas in 1858 te sluit, 'n verdrag wat aan hulle 'n gemeenskaplike forum teen die mynmaatskappye sou verskaf. Nadat Jonker en sy volgelinge onder meer op Grootwarmfontein en Okapuka gewoon het, het hulle in 1858 na Okahandja verhuis. Hiervandaan het Jonker betrokke geraak in die Ovambo-politiek. Dit het hom twee jaar later, toe longsiekte die verkryging van vee in die binneland onmoontlik gemaak het, die geleentheid gebied om die Ovambo te gaan beroof. Jonker het siek van hierdie roof tog af teruggekeer en op 16 Augustus 1861 op Okahandja gesterf. Hy is opgevolg deur sy oudste seun, Christiaan Afrikaner. Na sy dood het dit duidelik geword dat die Afrikaner-Oorlams hulle magsposisie hoofsaaklik aan Jonker se leierskap te danke gehad het. Deur'n kombinasie van magsvertoon en diplomasie en die manier waarop hy mense- en groepsverhoudinge gemanipuleer het, het hy vir bykans veertig jaar die pas aangegee vir gebeure in feitlik die hele landstreek tussen die Oranje- en Kuneneriviere.

Thesis (DLitt)--Stellenbosch University, 1957. / Please refer to full text for abstract.

Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 1946. / 409 leaves printed on single pages, preliminary pages i- ix and numbered pages 1-445. Includes bibliography. / Digitized at 330 dpi black and white PDF format (OCR), using KODAK i 1220 PLUS scanner. / No abstract available

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this thesis the focus is on the history of the Kareeberg Bastaards who lived in the Kareeberg region at the time of the establishment of the Amandelboom mission station by the Rhenish Mission Society in 1845. Marginalised by their more powerful white neigbours, the Kareeberg Bastaards existed as semi-independent nomadic pastoralists in the Kareeberg mountains on the northern borders of the Cape Colony. The objective of the Rhenish Mission Society in extending their missionary activities to the Kareeberg region was to first convert the Kareeberg Bastaards and later the Schietfontein Xhosa into settled Christian communities. What was first viewed as a simple missionary endeavour by the Rhenish Mission Society unexpectedly developed into a serious problem for the Society. Due to several factors the initial objectives ofthe Rhenish Mission Society for these people were never fully realized. The most obvious reason for the initial problems experienced by the misssionaries was their strong Eurocentric ideas - something which characterized virtually all foreign missionaries to South Africa during the 19th century. This aspect which complicated matters at Amandel boom from the outset, is thoroughly examined in this thesis. It is argued that the main reason for the failure of the Rhenish Mission at Amandelboom can primarily be found in its world view. In this regard particular attention is paid to the regional factors operating in Germany which impacted upon the origin and development of the Rhenish Mission Sociey. The influence of these factors on the development of the Rhenish Mission Society could possibly explain why the Amandelboom missionaries were so out of touch with the realities of the Kareeberg area and its peoples. The impact of these factors on the Bastaard community specifically and the Amandelboom mission in general, is thoroughly investigated. Another aspect of the missionary's involvement at the Amandelboom mission which can be attributed to the specific characteristics of the Rhenish Mission Society itself, was that the society confined itself almost exclusively to the spiritual needs of the Bastaard people. In general the emphasis on spirituality to the exclusion of everything else in the training programme of the Rhenish Mission Society resulted in somewhat naive missionaries who, when in the field, found themselves out of their depth in the special circumstances that prevailed in the societies they tried to minister. In particular the position of the Bastaards in the broader sphere ofthe Cape colonial politics and their socio-economic position in that society, were crucial aspects of the Kareeberg Bastaard community which the missionaries either ignored, or failed to grasp. In contrast to the London Mission Society and its workers who often fought on behalf of their congregations for their rights and liberties, the Amandelboom missionaries assumed that the worldly condition of their congregants had to be accepted as the will of God. According to the strong Pietistic principles of the Rhenish Mission Society they held the view that true Christians should refrain from indulging in undesirable political activity. However, the complicated history of the Kareeberg Bastaards prior to the arrival of the missionaries and several external factors which applied to this community, resulted in an intricate and uncertain relationship between the Bastaards and the rest of the people of the Cape Colony. The threat which resulted from this to the existence of the Bastaards as a group required a more drastic approach from the missionaries than that which they were trained for, or prepared to perform. The missionaries were consequently ill-prepared for their task in the Kareeberge. Against this background, coupled to the fact that the Bastaards were isolated in an ecologically marginal farming area, the associated land questions and threats of displacement of the community made for insurmountable problems at the Amandelboom mission. These socio-political questions were more complicated than anything that could be handled by means of instructions from Germany. The change in farming practices in the districts adjacent to Amandelboom from meat to wool production, the impact thereof on the acquisition of land and how land reforms in these districts eventually impacted upon the Amandelboom Bastaard communities, form an integral part of this thesis. Against this background an attempt is made to put the Kareeberg mission and the involvement of the Rhenish Mission Society at Amandelboom, in its proper historical perspective. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie proefskrif word die fokus geplaas op die Kareebergbasters as 'n uitgeworpe splintergroep van die blanke samelewing aan die Kaapkolonie se noordgrens. Teen 1845, met die vestiging van die Rynse sendingstasie by Amandelboom, het die Kareebergbasters nog 'n semionafhanklike nomadiese bestaan in die Kareeberge gevoer. Die doelstelling van die Rynse Sendinggenootskap met die uitbreiding van hulle sendinginisiatiewe na die Kareebergstreek, was om hierdie verdronge groep, en later ook die Schietfontein-Xhosa, in gevestigde, Christelike gemeenskappe te verander. Wat aanvanklik as 'n maklike sendingveld gesien is, het egter spoedig na die vestiging van die eerste sendelinge op Amandelboom, onverwags in 'n ernstige probleem vir die genootskap ontaard. Weens talle faktore het die aanvanklike doelstellings van die Rynse Sendinggenootskap vir die Kareebergbasters nooit werklik gerealiseer nie. Die mees voor-die-hand-liggende rede vir die aanvanklike probleme waarmee die sendelinge te kampe gehad het, was die sterk Eurosentriese idees van die sendelinge wat so 'n algemene kenmerk was van feitlik alle buitelandse sendinginisiatiewe in Suid-Afrika gedurende die 19de eeu. Hierdie aspek wat vanuit die staanspoor sake op Amandelboom ernstig bemoeilik het, word in hierdie proefskrif diepliggend ondersoek. Daar word aangevoer dat die rede waarom die Amandelboomsending misluk het in die eerste plek teruggevoer kan word tot die wêreld-en lewensbeskouing van die Rynse Sendinggenootskap self. In hierdie verband word indringend gekyk na die impak van streeksfaktore in Duitsland op die ontstaan en ontwikkeling van die Rynse Sendinggenootskap as moontlike verklaring waarom die ter plaatse sendelinge op Amandelboom dikwels so uit voeling was met die realiteite van die Kareebergstreek en sy inwoners. Die impak hiervan op die Bastergemeenskap, asook die implikasies daarvan vir die Kareebergsending in sy geheel, word indringend ondersoek. Nog 'n aspek van die Kareebergsending wat tot die aard van die Rynse Sendinggenootskap self teruggevoer kan word, was dat die sendelinge hulle taak in die Kareeberge bloot tot die geestelike bearbeiding van die Basters beperk het. In die algemeen het die ietwat "wêreldvreemde" Rynse Sendinggenootskap en hulle sendelinge in die sendingveld weinig begrip vir die besondere sosioekonomiese en veral politieke posisie van die Bastergemeenskap in die breë Kaapse samelewing getoon. In teenstelling met die Londense Sendinggenootskap wat dikwels as kampvegters vir die regte van hulle volgelinge opgetree het, het die Rynse Sendinggenootskap in hierdie stadium nog uitsluitlik op die geestelike welstand van hulle volgelinge gefokus. Buite hierdie breë raamwerk is in die algemeen streng afsydig gestaan teenoor elke ander aspek van die gemeenskappe waaronder hulle gewerk het. Die aardse lotgevalle van hulle volgelinge was Godgegewe en moes so aanvaar word. Volgens die streng Piëtistiese interpretasie van die Rynse Sendinggenootskap moes die opregte Christen hom weerhou van ongewenste politieke bemoeienis. Die ambivalente posisie van die Basters in die koloniale gemeenskap; hulle lang, ingewikkelde voorgeskiedenis en komplekse verweefdheid met talle eksterne faktore, het egter 'n meer drastiese benadering geverg as waarvoor die Rynse sendelinge opgelei was, ofwaarop hulle ten opsigte van die Kareebergbasters voorbereid was. Teen hierdie agtergrond was die verdringingsprobleem van die Kareebergbasters as 'n vasgekeerde gemeenskap in 'n ekologiese randgebied en die gepaardgaande grondkwessies op Amandelboom, meer ingewikkeld as wat die sendelinge en veral die voorskriftelike direksie van die genootskap in Duitsland ooit besef het. Die oorskakeling van vleis- na wolproduksie in die aanliggende blanke distrikte, die impak daarvan op toegang tot grond en hoe grondhervormings in hierdie distrikte uitgekring het na die onafhanklike Bastergemeenskap buite die grense van die kolonie, vorm 'n geïntegreerde deel van die proefskrif. Teen hierdie agtergrond word gepoog om die Kareebergsending en die Rynse betrokkenheid by die Bastergemeenskap op Amandelboom, in sy besondere historiese perspektief te plaas.

Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The discussion concerning the history of the Afrikaners as a white minority in Rhodesia is a purposeful attempt to historically investigate the presence and fundamental contributions of this particular population group. In methodological terms this study falls within the framework of diaspora and migration studies, movement of nations and the dynamics of minorities living in a host country. Since 1890 Afrikaners from South Africa, mostly as the result of the search for improved living conditions and job opportunities, gradually found their way to the territory north of the Limpopo River. The organised and individual treks, and the sporadic movement of Afrikaner immigrants to Rhodesia would lay the foundations of a self-supporting, though geographically straggling population group. In almost every terrain of life Afrikaners would participate in the provision of essential labour service. Since the Afrikaners mainly represented a rural population, they became very familiar with agricultural practices and surroundings. Predominantly, the Afrikaner farmers would in due time play a contributory role in the overall agricultural industry and economy of Rhodesia. The Afrikaner churches and cultural organisations in Rhodesia would decisively serve to unite Afrikaners religiously and socially, and to knit them together. The influence of Christian ministry and reformist mission work would not remain limited to Afrikaners, but would at the same time also include the Christianisation of black people. Politically, the Afrikaners lived in relatively friendly coexistence with the dominant English-speaking population of a British colony, although unsympathetic political attitudes, preconceived ideas and the fear of Afrikaner nationalism often hampered relations. The restrictive colonial immigration policies, compulsory military service and the rejection of Afrikaans as the second official medium of instruction by the Rhodesian authorities confirmed the political subjection of Afrikaners in Rhodesia. Mutual acceptance among Afrikaners and English-speaking Rhodesians would only emerge after the declaration of independence in 1965. Due to the aspiration of preserving their language and group and national identity, the Afrikaners would consequently not be politically assimilated into the mainstream of the English-speaking population. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die bespreking van die geskiedenis van die Afrikaners as blanke minderheid in Rhodesië is 'n doelbewuste poging om die teenwoordigheid en wesenlike bydraes van hierdie bepaalde bevolkingsgroep histories te ondersoek. In metodologiese terme ressorteer hierdie studie binne die raamwerk van diaspora- en migrasiestudies, volksverskuiwing en die dinamika van minderhede woonagtig in 'n gasheerstaat. Sedert 1890 het Afrikaners vanuit Suid-Afrika, merendeels weens die soeke na verbeterde lewensomstandighede en werksgeleenthede, geleidelik hul weg na die gebied noord van die Limpoporivier gevind. Die georganiseerde en individuele Afrikaner-trekke en die sporadiese verhuising van Afrikaner-immigrante na Rhodesië sou die fondamente van . selfonderhoudende, dog geografies wydverspreide bevolkingsgroep lê. Afrikaners sou op feitlik alle lewensterreine en in die verskaffing van noodsaaklike arbeidsdienste deelneem. Aangesien die Afrikaners in hoofsaak 'n landelike bevolking verteenwoordig het, het hulle goed vertroud geraak met die boerderypraktyk en -omgewing. Die Afrikaner-boere sou oorwegend met verloop van tyd 'n bydraende ontwikkelingsrol in die algehele Rhodesiese landboubedryf en ekonomie vervul. Die Afrikaner-kerke en -kultuurorganisasies in Rhodesie sou 'n deurslaggewende godsdienstige, sosialiserings- en saambindende funksie verrig om Afrikaners te verenig. Die invloed van Christelike bearbeiding en reformistiese sendingwerk sou nie tot Afrikaners beperk bly nie, maar terselfdertyd ook die kerstening van swart mense insluit. Polities het Afrikaners in relatief vriendskaplike naasbestaan met die dominante Engelssprekende bevolking van 'n Britse kolonie verkeer, hoewel onsimpatieke politieke houdings, vooropgestelde idees en vrees vir Afrikaner-nasionalisme dikwels verhoudinge belemmer het. Die beperkende koloniale immigrasiebeleide, verpligte militere diensplig en die afkeur van Afrikaans as tweede amptelike voertaal deur die Rhodesiese owerhede, was bevestigend van die politieke onderworpenheid van Afrikaners in Rhodesië. Wedersydse aanvaarding tussen Afrikaners en Engelssprekende Rhodesiers sou eers na die onafhanklikheidverklaring in 1965 na vore kom. Danksy die strewe om die behoud van hul taal, groepsidentiteit en volkseie sou die Afrikaners dus nie polities in die hoofstroom van die Engelssprekende bevolking geassimileer word nie.

Thesis (PhD)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Sanlam has long been stereotyped as an Afrikaans company. It has been positioned in Afrikaner nationalist historiography as one of a number of Afrikaner economic, cultural and political institutions that emerged alongside British ones in the early twentieth century as Afrikaners strove to assert their identity and independence. Much of the existing literature on the history of Sanlam has focused on the role that the company played in promoting this independence by mobilising savings for investment in Afrikaner businesses. This study challenges this conventional view of Sanlam. It argues that Sanlam was established as a South African company in a British industry of which the inclusion and empowerment of Afrikaners formed one aspect. It was a national institution that tried to represent South Africa at all levels. This study demonstrates Sanlam’s inclusiveness as a South African company by analysing its client profile from its establishment as a modest life insurance company in 1918 to its transformation into a diversified financial services group by 2004. It shows that Sanlam did not only target and attract Afrikaans-speaking clients, but included as wide a spectrum of clients as possible within the political and market constraints of the time. It did this by operating as a bilingual company, including working classes through industrial insurance and group schemes and by offering non-traditional life insurance products and ancillary financial services that met a range of needs. In this way Sanlam set itself apart from its competitors. Its clients included people from both sides of the demographic and social divide. Clients included English and Afrikaans-speakers, blacks and whites, young and old, male and female, and lower and upper class. Restrictions and exclusions were based on risk and not on race, sex or class. Sanlam broadened its prospects even further into the South African market during the second half of its history. This was in response to events such as the formation of the Republic in 1961, the growth of the South African economy, the deregulation of the financial sector in the 1980s and 1990s, and the collapse of Apartheid in the early 1990s. By 2004 Sanlam had completed its transformation into a diversified financial services group that provided a range of life insurance and financial services solutions for individuals, groups and businesses from various walks of life. The Group could now shift its focus not only onto further expansion into the South African and neighbouring African markets, but onto the rest of Africa and other emerging markets abroad. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sanlam is lank reeds bekend as ‘n Afrikaanse maatskappy, een van ‘n aantal ekonomiese, kulturele en politieke instellings wat gedurende die vroeë twintigste eeu ontwikkel het met die doel om die Afrikaner se identitieit en onhafhanklikheid te bevorder. Bestaande literatuur oor die geskiedenis van Sanlam fokus sterk op die rol van die maatskappy deur sy verkryging van belegggings vir Afrikanerbesighede. Hierdie studie betwis so ‘n konvensionele siening van Sanlam. Dit betoog dat Sanlam gestig is as ‘n Suid-Afrikaanse maatskappy in ‘n Britse industrie, waar die insluiting en bemagtiging van die Afrikaner slegs een aspek gevorm het. Sanlam was ‘n nasionale genootskap wat Suid-Afrika op alle vlakke probeer verteenwoordig het. Die studie toon Sanlam se insluiting as ‘n Suid-Afrikaanse maatskappy, deur ‘n ontleding van sy kliënteprofiel sedert sy stigting as ‘n beskeie lewensversekeringsmaatskappy in 1918 tot met sy transformasie in 2004 as ‘n gediversifieerde finansiële dienste groep. Dit wys dat Sanlam nie net Afrikaanssprekende kliënte bedien het nie, maar ‘n wye teikengroep binne die politieke en mark beperkinge van die spesifieke era. Albei amptelike landstale is gebruik, die werkersklas is deur industriële versekering en groepskemas betrek en nie-tradisionele lewensversekeringsprodukte en finansiële dienste is aangebied. Hierin het Sanlam homself van sy mededingers onderskei. Kliënte het mense van alle demografiese en sosiale verskille ingesluit. Daar was Engels- en Afrikaanstaliges, swart en wit, jonk en oud, manlik en vroulik, en polishouers van die laer en hoër klasse. Sanlam het gedurende die tweede helfte van sy geskiedenis verder in die Suid-Afrikaanse mark uitgebrei. Dit was in antwoord op gebeure soos die stigting van die Republiek in 1961, die groei van die ekonomie, die deregulering van die finansiële sektor in die 1980s en 1990s, en die beëindiging van apartheid gedurende die vroeë 1990s. Teen 2004 was Sanlam volkome getransformeer tot ‘n gediversifiseerde finansiële dienste groep met ‘n reeks lewensversekering- en finansiële produkte beskikbaar aan individue, groepe en besighede uit alle dele van die bevolking. Die Groep kon nou uitbrei, nie net in Suid-Afrika en sy buurlande nie, maar na die res van Afrika en ander opkomende markte oorsee.

Thesis (PhD)-- Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the relationship between African traditional livestock regimes and state veterinary services in colonial Zimbabwe from the perspective of socio-environmental history. It offers a new direction both methodologically and empirically as few academic studies have used state veterinary services archives extensively as a lens to understanding the parameters of the interaction of veterinarians and African livestock owners during the colonial period. Though located in socio-environmental history, this study has applicability to the histories of medicine, conservation and land policy as it connects with the broader debate regarding the experiences of local healing practices under colonial administrations. It examines the complex, fluid and interactive interdependence of people, livestock and disease, and discusses how veterinary medicine, conservation policies, and introduced epizootics impacted on African traditional livestock regimes. It demonstrates how African livestock owners reacted to veterinary challenges, and how they understood veterinary and environmental arguments mobilized by the colonial state to justify segregation. It shows that state veterinary services were not limited to pharmacological drugs and the administration of inoculants but also extended to breeding and other livestock improvement activities such as pasture management. It argues that the provision of state veterinary services was largely influenced by the shifting, contradictory relationship involving the state, native commissioners and white settlers. Given the fractured nature of colonial administration in Southern Rhodesia, this thesis also discusses conflicts between colonial experts (veterinary and animal scientists) and African livestock owners over what type of cattle to rear, how they were to be pastured, and also how epizootics and enzootics could be eradicated or controlled. Key Words: conservation; African livestock regimes; veterinary medicine, local healing practices; dipping; therapeutics; acaricides; centralisation; socio-environmental history; liberation war; Zimbabwe; Southern Rhodesia; Rhodesia. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: This thesis explores the relationship between African traditional livestock regimes and state veterinary services in colonial Zimbabwe from the perspective of socio-environmental history. It offers a new direction both methodologically and empirically as few academic studies have used state veterinary services archives extensively as a lens to understanding the parameters of the interaction of veterinarians and African livestock owners during the colonial period. Though located in socio-environmental history, this study has applicability to the histories of medicine, conservation and land policy as it connects with the broader debate regarding the experiences of local healing practices under colonial administrations. It examines the complex, fluid and interactive interdependence of people, livestock and disease, and discusses how veterinary medicine, conservation policies, and introduced epizootics impacted on African traditional livestock regimes. It demonstrates how African livestock owners reacted to veterinary challenges, and how they understood veterinary and environmental arguments mobilized by the colonial state to justify segregation. It shows that state veterinary services were not limited to pharmacological drugs and the administration of inoculants but also extended to breeding and other livestock improvement activities such as pasture management. It argues that the provision of state veterinary services was largely influenced by the shifting, contradictory relationship involving the state, native commissioners and white settlers. Given the fractured nature of colonial administration in Southern Rhodesia, this thesis also discusses conflicts between colonial experts (veterinary and animal scientists) and African livestock owners over what type of cattle to rear, how they were to be pastured, and also how epizootics and enzootics could be eradicated or controlled. Key Words: conservation; African livestock regimes; veterinary medicine, local healing practices; dipping; therapeutics; acaricides; centralisation; socio-environmental history; liberation war; Zimbabwe; Southern Rhodesia; Rhodesia.

Thesis (DPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / Security (war or peace), economy, technological progress, cultural development and issues of identity are some of the aspects that characterise the nature of relations between countries. Traditionally, the objectives of a country’s foreign policy concern security and welfare. But, the search for national prestige, for autonomy or for a change in the world’s power relationships or ideological re-orientation can all inform the foreign policies of many states.1 South Africa is no exception; during the stewardship of Prime Minister BJ Vorster, his objective was the launching of a policy of détente. As a consequence, South Africa was subjected to continuous external criticism. At the insistence of the discrimination apartheid policy, South Africa was excluded from a wide range of intergovernmental agencies and conferences, was isolated by the international community and became the object of an economic boycott by the vast majority of African states. It therefore was clear that the increasing hostility towards South Africa’s domestic policy would isolate the country further. The world’s reaction to South African’s domestic policy demonstrated that foreign opinion had an influence on domestic policy, and that it imposed constraints on the conduct of foreign policy. To extricate itself from this situation, South Africa initiated the policy of rapprochement called détente policy during Vorster’s time in office. Vorster had no illusions about the need for safety in South Africa, thus his main ideal as Prime Minister was to establish normal and friendly relations with African states. Vorster hoped to improve South African’s international position by improving relations with Black Africa through the policy of détente. It is with regard to this policy, undertaken during the period of the African continent’s rejection of South Africa’s race discrimination policies and this country’s exclusion from the community of African states, that the present study investigates and analyses South Africa’s relations with the Ivory Coast and Gabon from 1969 to 1994, viewed from South African and French source material. In other words, this study analyses the interaction that took place in the past with regard to the South African government’s relations with the governments of Gabon and the Ivory Coast, which directed human activities in the political, economic, military and cultural fields. This investigation and analysis were undertaken in order to understand why the Ivory Coast and Gabon became involved with South Africa when the African community and even the international community had called for the isolation of this country due to its apartheid policy, and how these relations would improve and be strengthened in the future.

This dissertation aims to examine the nature of colonial-made laws and regulations which affected the powers of chiefs in the Natal and Zululand regions between 1875 and 1910, and the context in which they were made. Since the establishment of colonial rule in Natal in the 1840s, the colonial government had aimed to bring chiefs under control and to weaken their powers. In the 1870s the pace at which chiefly authority was undermined increased. This dissertation begins in the mid-1870s because this was when white settlers in Natal gradually began to get more influence over native affairs because of important shifts in British policies in South Africa. It ends in 1910 when the administration of native affairs in Natal was transferred from Pietermaritzburg to Pretoria upon the formation of the Union of South Africa. It argues that the making oflaws governing Africans in the Natal and Zululand regions from 1875 to 1910 had to do mainly with the desire of colonial officials to tighten up control over Africans, and the desire of white settlers in Natal to ensure security against Africans who greatly outnumbered them and to obtain land and labour from African communities. The dissertation begins with a brief examination of the colonial state and the nature of the powers of chiefs in the period before 1875. From 1875 to 1893 the Natal settlers gradually gained more influence over native affairs, and used it to formalize and define the powers of chiefs and izinduna. These developments are explained in chapter two. In chapter three the laws and regulations affecting the powers of chiefs that were passed under responsible government from 1893 to 1897 are examined in detail. This was when white settlers in Natal gained power to directly control native affairs. The Zululand region, i.e. to the north of the Thukela river, also experienced similar developments as Natal from 1879 to 1897. After the Anglo-Zulu war in 1879, the powers of hereditary chiefs in Zululand were weakened, together with the strength of Zulu royal house. The impact of colonial rule on the powers of chiefs in Zululand is covered in chapter four. When Zululand was incorporated into Natal in 1897, and when the white settler farmers dominated every department in the ministry, the 'web' of chiefly authority was weakened at a faster pace than before. Some ofthe laws that were in the Natal Code of Native Law were extended to Zululand. The way in which chiefly authority was undermined in the enlarged colony between 1897 to 1910 is examined in chapter five. Chapter six summarizes the findings of the dissertation. / Thesis (M.A. ; School of Human and Social Studies) - University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2000.

Until recently, scholars of Zanzibar history have not greatly focused on study the history of disease, western medicine and public health in the colonial period. This thesis covers these histories in urban Zanzibar from 1870 to 1963. In addition, it looks at the responses of the urban population to these Western-originated medical and public health facilities during the colonial period. The thesis starts by exploring history of Zanzibar Town during the nineteenth century looking at the expansion of trade and migration of people and how new pathogens were introduced. Local diseases became more serious due to population expansion. I also examine the arrival, introduction and consolidation of Western medical practices. The establishment of hospitals, the training of doctors and nurses and the extension of these facilities to the people are all discussed, as are anti-smallpox, bubonic plague, malaria and sanitation programmes before and after the Second World War. The thesis argues that the colonial government introduced medical institutions in urban Zanzibar with various motives. One of the main reasons was to control disease and ensure the health of the population. The anti-malarial, smallpox and bubonic plague campaigns are an example of how the government tackled these issues. The introduction of preventive measures was also important. The Quarantine Station, the Infectious Diseases Hospital and the Government General Hospitals were established. Other facilities were the Mental Hospitals and Leprosaria. The work of extending medical services was not only done by missionaries and the colonial state but was in great measure through the contribution of Zanzibari medical philanthropists, community, religious and political leaders. Mudiris, Shehas, family members and political parties also played a significant role. In the twentieth century, newspapers owned by individuals and political parties and community associations played a major role too. Zanzibari medical doctors, nurses, orderlies, ayahs, public health staffs were cultural brokers who facilitated the extension of biomedicine and public health measures. By the end of the British colonial rule in Zanzibar in 1963 Western medicine was an important therapeutic option for the people not only in urban Zanzibar but also in both Unguja and Pemba islands. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2009.