Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis analyses corporate social responsibility (CSR) in Belgium in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century by making use of a case study on the history of the biscuit company De Beukelaer’s Fabrieken between 1885 and 1929. During this period De Beukelaer’s Fabrieken managed to establish itself and its brand firmly in the international food industry and, besides its reputation for its products, also became known for its extensive CSR policy. The thesis analyses and determines the character of the CSR policy implemented at De Beukelaer’s Fabrieken by examining the various forms of CSR the company practiced during this period, and which rested on three distinct pillars, namely welfare services, leisure, and educational initiatives. Both in terms of implementation and characteristics the company’s policy was certainly not unique. In addition, the thesis also establishes some of the motives for the implementation of the De Beukelaer’s Fabrieken’s CSR policy by its owners and management. It is difficult to determine, however, what the exact reasons were for the implementation and development of De Beukelaer’s Fabrieken’s CSR. The company’s policy was influenced by both the changes and developments that were occurring in its wider environment as well as the changes and developments that occurred within the company, its owners and its management; the company’s CSR policy was thus a product of action and reaction, driven by both conscious as well as subconscious motivations that were influenced by various causes, both internal as well as external. By determining the character, nature and influence of the company’s CSR policy, as well as the motivation behind it, the thesis attempts to gain a better understanding of this particular aspect of the company’s history, an aspect that formed a significantly defining feature of De Beukelaer’s Fabrieken between 1885 and 1929. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis fokus op korporatiewe sosiale verantwoordelikheid (KSV) in België in die laat 19de en vroeg 20ste eeu deur `n gevalle studie van die geskiedenis van die Belgiese beskuitjie maatskappy De Beukelaer’s Fabrieken 1885-1929. Die maatskappy het in die betrokke periode daaringeslaag om homself en sy handelsmerk in die internasionale voedsel industrie te vestig en afgesien van sy reputasie vir sy produkte ook vir sy uitgebreide inisiatiewe ten opsigte van KSV bekend geword. Die tesis is ‘n studie van die aard, karakter en eienskappe van De Beukelaar’s Fabrieken se KSV deur ‘n analise van die verskeie vorms waarin dit neerslag gevind het. Die maatskappy se KSV-beleid het op drie elemente, naamlik welsyns dienste, vryetydsbesteding/ontspanning en opvoedkundige inisiatiewe berus. Dit is `n bevinding van die studie dat ten opsigte van bo genoemde aspekte die maatskappy se beleid nie uniek vir die periode was nie. Die tesis poog ook om die motivering of motiewe van die maatskappy se eienaars en bestuur vir die implementering van hul KSV vas te stel. Dit is egter moeilik om te bepaal aangesien die maatskappy se KSV-beleid beinvloed is deur beide die veranderinge en ontwikkelinge in die breȅr gemeenskap sowel as die in die maatskappy self, sy eienaars en bestuur. Die maatskappy se beleid was dus die produk van aksie en reaksie wat gedryf is deur beide bewustelike as onbewustelike motiverings wat deur `n verskeidenheid intern en ekstern faktore teweeggebring is. Die fokus op die motivering vir sowel as aard, karakter en invloed van die maatskappy se KSV is `n poging om tot groter begrip van diè bepalende aspek van die maatskappy se geskiedenis in die periode tekom.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 1988. / Die doel met hierdie studie is tweeledig. Eerstens word gepoog om die Kaapse burgermag-mediese eenhede se rol binne die verdedigingstelsels waarvan hulle op sekere stadia van hul bestaan deel was te ondersoek, hetsy as deel van die Kaapse Koloniale Magte vir die tydperk 1889 - 1913 of as deel van die burgermag-element van die Unieverdedigingsmag, 1913 - 1939. Tweedens word hierdie eenhede se ontwikkelingsgang nagegaan : van die stigting van die Volunteer Medical Staff Corps (VMSC) in 1889 af tot met die uitbreek van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog in 1939. As 'n titel vir hierdie onderwerp is besluit op Die Geskiedenis van die Kaapse Burgermag-mediese eenhede, 1889 - 1939. Die rede daarvoor is dat dit die hele tydperk onder bespreking volledig omskryf die aanloop tot die stigting van die VMSC, sy stigting in 1889, sy rol as 'n vrywilligereenheid, sy omskakeling na twee burgermag-mediese eenhede in 1913 asook hul rol en ontwikkeling in daardie verband tot met die uitbreek van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog in 1939. Aangesien hierdie tydperk van vyftig jaar 'n duidelike beeld rakende hierdie eenhede se rol en ontwikkeling gee, het die keuse daarom geval op 1889 en 1939 as onderskeidelik die begin- en einddatum vir hierdie onderwerp. Met die uitbreek van die Tweede Wêreldoorlog in 1939 het daar in die Kaapprovinsie twee burgermag-mediese eenhede binne die Unieverdedigingsmag gefunksioneer, naamlik 2 Veldambulans en 3 Veldambulans. Beide kan egter hul ontstaansgeskiedenis terugvoer na 21 Oktober 1889, toe. soos hierbo aangedui, die VMSC as die eerste selfstandige mediese eenheid in die Kaapkolonie gestig is. Met sy stigting het die eenheid uit twee kompanies bestaan. te wete A-kompanie en B-kompanie wat onderskeidelik in King William's Town en Kaapstad gesetel was. Daarna het die VMSC by twee verdere geleenthede naamsveranderinge ondergaan. In 1889 is sy naam na die Cape Medical Staff Corps (CMSC) verander en van 1903 af het dit as die Cape Medical Corps (CMC) bekend gestaan. Met die totstandkoming van die Suid-Afrikaanse Geneeskundige Diens (SAGD) in 1913, is die twee kompanies in twee afsonderlike burgermag-mediese eenhede omgeskakel en in die SAGD opgeneem. Dit het eweneens 'n naamsverandering tot gevolg gehad. A-kompanie sou voortaan as 1 Berede Brigade Veldambulans (1 BBVA) bekend staan terwy1 B-kompanie tot No. 1 Kompanie herdoop is. tn 1935 het die twee eenhede weer eens 'n naamsverandering ondergaan toe 1 BBVA tot 2 Veldambulans en No. 1 Kompanie tot 3 Veldambulans herdoop is. Die doel van hierdie studie in ag genome, word die rol en ontwikkeling van hierdie eenhede oor die tydperk van vyftig jaar bespreek. In die eerste hoofstuk word daar, as inleiding, kortliks verwys na die onderskeie militê re organisasies in die Kaapkolonie gedurende die neëntiende eeu waarvan die vrywilliger-mag een was. Daar het egter 'n behoefte bestaan aan voldoende mediese steun vir sy lede waaruit voortgevloei het die stigting van die St John's Ambulance Association en die ambulansafdeling van die King William's Town Volunteer Artillery om hierdie leemte te vul. Vervolgens word gekonsentreer op die stigtingsproses van die VMSC in 1889 asook die groei en ontwikkeling van die eenheid in die jare onmiddellik daarna...

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study deals with the history of a branch of the Swanepoel family in South Africa over the past 300 years and was conducted by means of genealogical and cultural historical research methods. Pieter Jansz Swanepoel, progenitor of the Swanepoel family in South Africa, came from Nieuwmunster in the present day municipality (gemeente) of Zuienkerke in the city of Brugge in West Flanders. He came to South Africa in 1699 as a soldier of the Dutch East India Company. He became a free burgher in 1700. Between 1709 and 1747 he made a living as a farmer on the farm Nieuwmunster close to where the town of Wolseley is now. In 1712 Pieter Jansz Swanepoel married Maria Sibella Sachs, the widow of Jan Christoffel Haak, and seven sons and one daughter were born out of this union. Hereafter six successive generations of Swanepoels made a living as stock-farmers, of which the last five resided in the districts of Graaff-Reinet, Beaufort-West and Prince Albert. As a result of droughts, a world wide economic depression and the after effects of the Second World War this tradition came to an end. Consequently the members of this family today find themselves all over South Africa. Therefore family ties are not as strong as they used to be and the tradition of naming became less important. Traditionally genealogical research concentrates on the male line. This study, however, attempts to research the descent of the progenitress in each generation as well and the findings are reflected in an ancestral chart. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is die familiegeskiedenis van 'n tak van die Swanepoel-familie oor die afgelope 300 jaar wat deur middel van genealogiese en kultuurhistoriese navorsingsmetodes opgestel is. Die stamvader, Pieter Jansz Swanepoel, was afkomstig van Nieuwmunster in die teenswoordige munisipaliteit (gemeente) Zuienkerke in die stad Brugge in WesVlaandere en het in 1699 as soldaat in diens van die VOC na die Kaap gekom. Reeds in die jaar 1700 word hy 'n vryburger en vanaf 1709 tot 1747 boer hy op die plaas Nieuwmunster digby die huidige Wolseley. In 1712 tree hy in die huwelik met Maria Sibella Sachs, die weduwee van Jan Christoffel Haak. Uit die huwelik word sewe seuns en een dogter gebore. Hierna volg ses opeenvolgende geslagte veeboere waarvan die laaste vyf hulle in die distrikte Graaff-Reinet, Beaufort-Wes en Prins Albert bevind. Droogtes, 'n wereldwye ekonomiese depressie en die nagevolge van die Tweede Wereldoorlog maak 'n einde aan hierdie tradisie en lei daartoe dat die lede van hierdie betrokke tak van die Swanepoel-familie oor die lengte en die breedte van Suid-Afrika versprei. Dit het onder andere tot gevolg dat familiebande baie losser word en dat naamgewinggebruike nie meer so slaafs nagevolg word nie. Tradisioneel is genealogiese navorsing toegespits op die manlike lyn. In hierdie studie is daar gepoog om ook die herkoms van die stammoeders in elke geslag so ver as moontlik na te vors en in 'n kwartierstaat te reflekteer.

Thesis (MA) -- Stellenbosch University, 1994. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT:Since the beginning ot the eighteenth century white cattle farmers passed regularly through the Langkloof. At the time they appeared on the scene native hunters and stock-farmers had already settled in the valley. By taking twenty farms on loan from the Dutch East India Colllpany the entire Langkloof was occupied by whites between the years 1760 to 1765. They were predominantly members d the second and third generation of the settlers who originally ca;ne to the Cape cl Good Hope. The community which evolved during the last four decades ot the eighteenth century in the Langkloof as a result or the influx cl whites, consisted of a small number of families. The majority oC these families were related to one another. Except for a few leading figures and persons notorious for their unconventional conduct, there were no other outstanding characters in the Langkloof. The first white inhabitants were pioneers who, living in isolation, had to struggle for survival. They were mainly stock-farmers, but as the result of the climate and vegetation, the large distances fn:Ma the market place, and the detrimental economic policy or the govern nent oC the Dutch East India Company, they could not prosper. Culturally they were deprived. There is only scanty evidence of formal education in the Langkloof, but the majority of white adults could at least sign their names. The only contact they had with the outside world was with expeditions travelling through the valley, and with the officials of the Company, especially those stationed at the drostdy at Swellendam. The churches closest to them, in Tulbagh and cape Town, were as a result of the distances, almost exclusively visited on occasions of baptism and weddings. During approximately the last two decades of the rule ot the Dutch East India Company, lite In the Langkloot gained an additional dimension as a result of the political turbulence surrounding the rebellion against the authorities at Swellendam, and the threat the Bantu east of the valley posed to the survival of the whites. Up to 1795 there were no significant dramatic happenings in the Langkloof. Without being in the centre of attention the community in the valley was developing an own unique identity. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING:Toe blanke veeboere die Langkloof vanaf die begin van die agtiende eeu op 'n gereelde basis begin betree het, was daar alreeds inheemse jagters en veeboere, naamlik die Khwe en Boesmans, woonagtig. Tussen 1760 en 1765 is die hele Langkloof' deur blankes beset deurdat twintig plase volgens die leningsplaasstelsel deur bJanke kolonfste, wat hoofsaaklik van die tweede en derde geslag van die Suid-Mrikaanse stamvaders was, bekom is. Die gemeenskap wat as gevolg daarvan gedurende die laaste vier dekades van die agtiende eeu in die Langkloof ontstaan bet, het uit 'n paar families bestaan wat, .aet weinige uitsonderings na, aan mekaar verwant was. Behalwe vir enkele leiersfigure en persone wat berugtheid weens hul robuuste optrede verwerf het, was daar nie ander uitstaande persoonlikhede nie. Die eerste blanke Langklowers was pioniers wat in omstandighede van isolasie 'n worstelstryd om oorlewing gevoer het. Die hoofbedryf was veeboerdery. maar faktore soos bodemgesteldheid, afstand van die markte en die wurgende ekonomiese beleid van die Kompanjiesregering bet die Langklowers ekonomles agterlik gehou. Op kulturele gebied was daar weinig beskawingsinvloede. Van formele opvoeding in die Langkloof kon weinig spore gevind word, maar daar is bewyse dat die meeste volwasse blanke inwoners ten minste kon skryf. Die enigste aanraking met die buitewereld was met die reisgeselskappe en die amptenary van die Kompanjie, veral van die drosdy op Swellendam. Met die naaste kerke in die Land van Waveren (Tulbagh) en Kaapstad, is 'n kerk byna uitsluitlik net met doop- en huweliksgeleenthede besoek. Vir ongeveer die laaste twee dekades van die V.O.C.-bewind bet die alledaagse lewe in die Langkloof 'n nuwe dlmensle bygekry as gevoll van die polltlek woellnge, aangestlg deur ontevredenheid met die owerhede, wat op 'n opstand teen die regeringsgesag op Swellendam uitgeloop het, en die bedrelglng wat die Bantu oos van die vallel vir die blankes se voortbestaan ingehou bet. Tot 1795 bet daar in die Langkloof geen groat dramatiese gebeurtenlsse plaasgevind nie. Die gemeenskap daar was besig om sander opspraak 'n eie unieke identiteit te ontwikkel.

Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This is a historiographical study of popular rugby history covering the years 1948 to 1995. The aim of this study is to show how this sport is portrayed in popular history writing. This research will focus on the two forms of popular history during this time, namely general rugby history books and biographical works. In order to fulfil its goals, this thesis will identify tendencies and thematology in popular rugby history, as well as explore its development over the years. This work lies on the edge between a study of history and that of literature. By studying the content and literary aspects of the popular works, light will be shed on its ever changing tendencies and thematology. Throughout this thesis, there will be constant use of quotations in order to explain the development of popular rugby historiography over time. By exploring the aforementioned complexities, this study aims to make a contribution to the developing domain of South African sports history. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is ’n historiografiese studie van populêre rugby geskiedskrywing, en dek die jare 1948 tot 1995. Die doel is om te dui op hoe dié sport in populêre skrywes uitgebeeld is. Die fokus gaan val op die twee vorme van populêre geskiedskrywing in hierdie tydperk, naamlik algemene rugbygeskiedenisboeke en biografiese werke. Die manier hoe hierdie verhandeling te werk gaan, is om tendense en tematologie in hierdie werke te identifiseer en die verandering daarvan oor die jare, na te volg. Hierdie werk lê op die breekvlak tussen ’n studie van die geskiedenis en die letterkunde. Deur die gewilde rugby skrywes inhoudelik en letterkundig in fyn detail te bestudeer, gaan lig op die veranderende tendense en tematologie gewerp word. Aanhalings word deurgans ingesluit en bespreek om die ontwikkeling van die populêre rugby geskiedskrywing oor die jare te verduidelik. Deur op hierdie kompleksiteite klem te lê, poog die studie om ’n bydrae te lewer tot die steeds ontwikkelende veld van Suid- Afrikaanse sportgeskiedenis.

Thesis (DPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2005. / Three decades ago heritage tourism was virtually unknown as a tourism product and the only reference to the word ‘heritage’ was in the description of a legal process in a will by which a person received some or other form of inheritance. This formerly legal term has in recent times undergone a fundamental expansion and now includes almost any intergenerational exchange or relationship. A growing commercial heritage industry has now established itself by converting the past into products and experiences. One of the foremost vehicles in this process has been that of tourism. Tourism, in spite of its economic-generating capacity is not an homogenous industry and consequently does not necessarily feel compelled to subscribe to the standard principles governing sustainability. However, there is an increasing awareness in the formal tourism industry of the advantages of subscribing to these principles, if not for any other reasons than those related to good business practice. Tourists from around the world are increasingly demanding a more responsible tourism product that supports the conservation of the natural as well as the cultural environment. The conservation of cultural resources and the process of its conversion into tourism products can provide the impetus and the incentive necessary for reviving cultural identity. This in turn has the effect of creating a favourable developmental climate for new heritage tourism products which the market needs in its continuous search for innovation and diversification. The characteristics of South African tourism products are in line with global market trends for cultural heritage tourism and there is evidence of increased co-ordination of initiatives in this regard. South Africa has been singled out by the World Tourism Organisation in their Tourism 2020 Vision (WTO 1998) as one of six countries predicted to make great strides in the tourism industry during the period leading up to 2020. Whilst South Africa has tremendous advantages in the global tourism market, it also has some critical challenges. Foremost amongst these are a lack of capacity in some areas and its inability to consistently meet international standards in terms of product quality and service levels. In addition to these supply-related operational shortcomings, there is evidence that the state of the cultural heritage product does not entirely meet international standards. If South Africa is to conserve its cultural heritage (in the face of modern pressures, such as changing values occasioned by the rapid pace of urbanisation) the recognition of these important resources should be followed by strong national policies with appropriate structures to accommodate best practice in the sustainable management thereof.

Thesis (DPhil (History))—University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / Funding for the Afrikaans arts before 1994 was greatly controlled by the National Party government through the four former provincial arts councils. With the political change in South Africa after 1994, the dismantling of the provincial arts councils and the perceived uncertainty of the future of Afrikaans in a post-apartheid South Africa, Afrikaans cultural festivals were conceived to serve as a refuge for the Afrikaans language. The first of these was the Klein Karoo Nasionale Kunstefees (KKNK), piloted in April 1995 in Oudtshoorn. The KKNK has since changed every aspect of the Afrikaans arts. It has stimulated the establishment of other, similar festivals throughout the country, while becoming the bread and butter for aspiring and established artists alike. The festival lures thousands of visitors annually, providing Oudtshoorn with an indispensable economic injection. Despite the festival’s success, it has come under critique over the past 11 years for its perceived cultural exclusivity, and has been labelled as a mere “boerebasaar”. In addition, several interest groups vie for direct and indirect control of the festival, each staking their specific claim on the KKNK. This thesis provides a historical analysis of the origin and dynamics of the KKNK from 1995 to the present, while simultaneously comparing it to other so-called arts festivals. In addition, the nature of the festival is explored against the backdrop of various interest groups. The discussion concludes with a reflection on the significance of the festival.

Thesis (DPhil (History)—University of Stellenbosch, 2004. / Toe die onderhandeling vir ‘n nuwe demokratiese bestel in Suid-Afrika na 1990 begin is, het dit ‘n tydperk ingelei waar talle kwessies oor menseregte na vore gekom het. Ook vroue het die geleentheid aangegryp om vrouesake en gender-verhoudings op die nasionale agenda te plaas in ‘n poging om die onregverdighede van die verlede aan te spreek. Die Women’s National Coalition (WNC) is in 1992 amptelik gestig uit vrees dat vroue van die belangrike politieke prosesse wat die toekoms van Suid-Afrika sou bepaal, uitgesluit sou word. Die doelwitte van die WNC was om inligting oor vroue se behoeftes en aspirasies in te samel en dit in ‘n Vrouehandves saam te vat wat uiteindelik ‘n integrale deel van die nuwe grondwet van Suid-Afrika sou word. Die WNC was ‘n inisiatief van die African National Congress Women’s League (ANCWL). Die swart vrou in Suid-Afrika se onderdrukking was drieledig: sy was onderdruk as vrou, deur patriargie en deur apartheid. Sy het polities aktief geraak toe haar familiestrukture bedreig is en het teen paswette, swak behuising, en uitsetttingsaksies van die regering, geprotesteer. Tydens die 1980’s het swart vroue wat aan die noodtoestand blootgestel is, se politieke betrokkenheid verander en sy het ‘n rewolusionêre vryheidsvegter geword. In die buiteland het die swart vrou wat in die bevrydingstryd betrokke was geleidelik erkenning in die ANC gekry. Hierdie vroue was ná 1990 gedetermineerd dat hul verwagtinge vir totale gelykberegtiging in die demokratiese Suid-Afrika sal realiseer. In hierdie proefskrif val die soeklig veral op die Afrikanervrou en -vroueorganisasies wat by die WNC aangesluit het. As Afrikanernasionalis was haar politieke betrokkenheid in die verloop van die geskiedenis marginaal. Met geïsoleerde aktivistiese optrede soos die vroue-optogte van 1915 en 1940, asook die militantheid van die vakbondvroue, het Afrikanervroue hoofsaaklik die veilige ruimte van die liefdadigheidsterrein gebruik om hul politieke voorkeure uit te leef. Afrikanervroue se betrokkenheid in die stemregbeweging was op aandrang van die mans en by insinuasie ook die optogte van 1915 en 1940. Met die magsoorname van die Nasionale Party het die Afrikanervrou polities onbetrokke geraak. Haar funksie was hoofsaaklik die van moeder en vrou en ondersteunend van die heersende ideologie. Met die aftakeling van apartheid is talle tradisionele Afrikanersimbole bevraagteken. Meer as 40% van die Afrikaner het by die meer regse partye aangesluit. Hierdie gebeure het die Afrikanervrou aan die begin van die 1990’s sonder ‘n spesifieke identiteit gelaat. Met die onderhandelings vir die toekomstige demokratiese bestel ‘n werklikheid, was die Afrikanervrou in ‘n onbenydenswaardige identiteitskrisis gedompel. Sy wou apolities bly, maar is deur Afrikanerintelligentsia en politici aangesê om die politieke wêreld te betree. Aan die anderkant wou Afrikanerkultuurorganisasies die Afrikanerkultuur inklusief beveilig. Die Afrikanervroue het moeilik by die WNC aangepas. Daar was talle praktiese probleme, maar dit was veral haar gebrek aan politieke vernuf, en die vyandigheid van swart vroue wat die vergaderings van die WNC domineer het, wat haar betrokkenheid in die wiele gery het. Die gedagte het ook by feitlik al die Afrikanervroue ontstaan dat die WNC ‘n politieke rookskerm was vir die ANC om sy magsbasis te versterk. Die spanninge van die Veelparty-onderhandelinge het ook na die WNC oorgespoel en vertragings en opskorting van lidmaatskap tot gevolg gehad. Daar was Afrikanervroue wat hul belewenis van die WNC as volkome positief ervaar het, wat dit as geleentheid gesien het om by vrouebemagtiging en politieke onderhandelinge betrokke te raak. Die meerderheid van vroue wat by hierdie ondersoek betrek is, was egter onseker en het die negatiewe aspekte van hul belewenis hulle die ondervinding laat bevraagteken. Daar was selfs vroue wat slegs die vyandigheid onthou het. Uiteindelik het Afrikanervrou nie heeltmal aangepas by die WNC nie en was ook nie werklik betrokke nie.

Thesis (DPhil (History))—University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / The study analyzes the reconfiguration of Afrikaans identities in post-apartheid South Africa as mediated by two prominent Afrikaans-orientated arts festivals, namely the Klein Karoo National Arts Festival and Aardklop. Fieldwork was conducted in the two host towns – Oudtshoorn and Potchefstroom. A variety of research methods such as archival research, participant observation, semi-structured interviews and informal conversations were employed. The arts festivals emerged during a time of perceived crisis for particularly Afrikaans communities in the 1990s, when Afrikaans and the arts were in need of being renewed. The study compares and contrasts the Afrikaans-oriented arts festivals to the former Afrikaner volksfeeste in order to illustrate the marked contrasts between them. Whereas the volksfeeste were designed to advance Afrikaner nationalism in a narrow sense, the newly established Afrikaans-oriented arts festivals were envisioned as inclusive celebrations. Both festivals were established to advance the arts in Afrikaans, to redeem Afrikaans, given its tainted reputation as the language of apartheid, and to help bring about national reconciliation. The study traces the historical development of the two festivals in relation to these aims. The literature indicates that festivals as liminal events facilitate conditions during which festivalgoers are united in celebration and experience a sense of community or social communitas. The study utilizes the notion of liminality – the process by which the ordinary is rendered extraordinary during festivals. Six conditions of liminality are distinguished: extensive planning and preparation, different senses of time, the alteration of everyday routines, re-discovery and reappropriation of private and public spaces, the activation of festival spaces and the reworking of rules. It shows how liminality, rather than being self-evident, was carefully constructed. The study assesses the festivals’ potential ‘to bring people together’ against this background by looking at three possible means of social transformation: through the experience of the arts, through the use of public space and through encountering Afrikaans. The assessment reveals the discrepancy between official festival policy and practice. The tensions that existed – between ‘high culture’ and ‘popular culture’, centre and periphery, and inclusion and exclusion – hindered social transformation. The festivals nevertheless contributed to the establishment of a temporary sense of belonging or communitas amongst some festival-goers. Although Afrikaans was central to most manifestations of social communitas, festival-goers celebrated ‘being Afrikaans’ in diverse ways. The study concludes that these festivals were characterized just as much by the presence as the absence of social communitas.

Thesis (PhD)-- Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Soil infertility and concomitant low levels of food security under conditions of population pressure and land scarcity have been, and still remain, one of society’s most daunting challenges. Over time, societies have tried to maximize the yield from the available land through the use of various fertilisers. In the 19th century in the midst of an environment infertility crisis, guano (bird dung) from the Peruvian coastal islands became, through a combination of factors, the international fertilizer of choice for most commercial farmers. As a result, a combination of natural factors, monopoly control and price manipulation contributed to the relative scarcity of the product. Nevertheless, strategic manoeuvring between the major players prevented any significant change in the supply regime. News of discoveries along the African coasts in the 1840s, some inside the territorial waters of the Cape Colony, introduced a new dimension to the trade. Both established merchant houses and new contenders strategised in an attempt to gain monopoly control. These events created new policy crises for the Cape Colony, the closest legal authority, and led to new policy and other initiatives in the absence of imperial precedents. The trade in guano also impacted on constitutional, political and scientific developments in the colony. Key amongst these was the struggle for monopoly control over both the Cape- and Ichaboe-based supply, which pitted individuals, family members and businesses against each other. The process became intertwined with political developments such as the transfer of political control from the Imperial authorities to the colonies. In addition, a coercive labour system developed under the colonial administration and colonial farmers struggled for fair access to the fertiliser, which added another dimension to the trade. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Daar is ‘n noue verband tussen bevolkingsgetalle, oesopbrengs, voedselsekuriteiten die beskikbaarheid van voldoende bewerkbare landbougrond. Waar samelewings probleme ervaar met die gehalte van hul landbougrond, is daar heel dikwels ook lae vlakke van voedselsekuriteit en word daar gewoonlik ook ‘n onsekere van-die-hand-tot–die-mond bestaan gevoer. As ‘n teenvoeter vir hongersnood as gevolg van lae oesopbrengs, het uiteenlopende samelewings met verloop van tyd en na gelang van hulle natuurlike omstandighede, bepaalde bemestingstradisies ontwikkel in ‘n poging om ‘n volhoubare opbrengs te verseker. Gedurende die 19de eeu, het ghwanobemesting te midde van ‘n wêreldwye grondgehalte krisis, ongekende gewildheid onder winsgedrewe landbouers bereik en voorts ook daarin geslaag om ander vorme van bemesting soos beenmeel en kraalmis as voorkeur produkte te vervang. As gevolg van ‘n kombinasie van natuurlike faktore, monopoliebeheer oor die eiland-gebaseerde ghwanobron en prysmanipulasie, was die produk wataanvanklik net vanaf Peru in Suid Amerika ingevoer is, dus nie vrylik beskikbaar nie en moes belangstellende boere hoë pryse daarvoor betaal. Vanselfsprekend het dit tot groot frustrasie en ontsteltenis in die geledere van diegene wat ‘n belegging in kommersiële landbou wou maak, gelei. Die onderlinge politieke intriges, knoeiery en pogings van plaaslike en oorsese sakemanne om mekaar te uitoorlê in die soeke na alleenbeheer oor die beskikbare ghwanobronne, het sake nie juis verbeter nie. Inteendeel, die situasie het net vererger toe alternatiewe ghwano bronne langs die wes- en ooskus van Afrika sowel as op ‘n reeks ander eilande in die Atlantiese Oseaan ontdek is. Die ontdekking van ghwano binne die Kaapse gebeidswaters in die 19de eeu, het die owerhede met ’n beleidsdilemma waarvoor daar nie enige presedente in die Britse Ryk bestaan het nie gelaat. Daarbenewens was die kolonie te midde van heelparty konstitusionele en ander kwessies en het die toevoeging van die ghwanohandel die maatskaplike en politieke lewe van die kolonie wesenlik beïnvloed.