Orientador: José Dari Krein / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T14:58:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Colombi_AnaPaulaFregnani_M.pdf: 2955686 bytes, checksum: e19c0e21f1ae7ecb1b95811efcc5f5a2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho consiste em analisar a atuação do Sindicato dos Bancários e Financiários de São Paulo, Osasco e Região durante os anos 2000 na tentativa de manter sua representatividade perante os trabalhadores e seu reconhecimento diante da sociedade num contexto de profundas mudanças no capitalismo contemporâneo com crescentes desafios à ação coletiva. A dissertação estrutura-se em três momentos: o primeiro visa reconstituir a trajetória da agenda sindical da referida instituição nos diferentes momentos de sua história com o intento de estabelecer um ponto de referência para a análise de sua atuação contemporânea; o segundo enfoca a descrição das atuais mudanças no setor, no conteúdo do trabalho e no perfil da categoria à luz das transformações no capitalismo contemporâneo com o intuito de elucidar os impactos negativos desses processos sobre a capacidade de mobilização coletiva dos bancários; e o terceiro trata da descrição das estratégias adotadas durante os anos 2000 pelo sindicato pesquisado para fazer frente ao cenário de dificuldades imposto à ação coletiva para, por fim, em perspectiva histórica, analisar e dar significação à sua atuação. A pesquisa mostra que a referida instituição logrou levantar as questões consideradas relevantes para a categoria, exercendo sua capacidade de representação dos interesses dos trabalhadores e dialogando com as aspirações dos bancários dentro dos limites colocados pela forma de organização do trabalho, que tende a individualizar e fragmentar os interesses da categoria e dificultar estratégias com sentido universalizante / Abstract: The aim of this research is to analyze the performance of the São Paulo Bank Workers¿ Union during the 2000s, in an attempt to maintain their representativeness and their acceptance in society in a context of deep changes in contemporary capitalism marked by growing challenges to collective action. The dissertation is divided into three parts: the first aims to reconstruct the past trajectory of the São Paulo Bank Workers¿ Union agenda at different times in its history as a way to establish a reference point for the analysis of its contemporary performance; the second focuses on the description of current changes in the banking system, in the profile and tasks of bank workers who have been impacted by the transformation of contemporary capitalism, as a way of highlighting the negative impacts of these processes on the capacity of bank workers to undertake collective mobilizations; and the third describes the strategies adopted during the 2000s by the São Paulo Bank Workers¿ Union as a response to the difficulties in adopting collective actions, as a way of analyzing and giving meaning to their actions in a historical perspective. The research illustrates that the São Paulo Bank Workers¿ Union succeeded in raising issues considered relevant to the profession, exercising its capacity to represent the interests of workers and dialoguing with their aspirations within the limits placed by the new forms of workplace organization that tend to individualize and to fragment the workers' interests, hindering strategies with a more universal scope / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestra em Desenvolvimento Econômico

The South African economy experienced slowing economic growth in the late 1970s, as a result of the international economic recession and the oil crisis of the early 1970s, and the system of apartheid was declared a crime against humanity in 1973. The 1970s saw the country experiencing renewed industrial and collective mass action, most notably the Durban strikes of 1973 and the student uprisings of 1976. The Wiehahn Commission was established in 1977 to respond to African labour militancy through a reconstruction of the then dual labour relations framework. The Commission’s stated goals were the stabilisation of labour relations and the facilitation of economic growth. This reform process led to the liberalisation of labour legislation in South Africa and additionally to the inclusion of African trade unions into the state collective bargaining system, provided these unions registered. By positioning itself within the ‘School of Continuity’, the paper disputes the notion of the discontinuation of colonialism as a result of the ‘Democratic transition’ of 1994, by proposing that this transition was but a logical progression of colonial social engineering achieved through the co‐optation of African labour in the 1970s. The research proposes that the Wiehahn Commission succeeded in creating a Black middle class that continues to act as a buffer from the rest of the African population. In addition, the long‐term objectives of the apartheid state were fulfilled with the institutionalisation of the Growth, Employment and Redistribution macroeconomic policy of 1996. / Mini Dissertation (MSocSci (History))--University of Pretoria, 2020. / Andrew W. Mellon Foundation / Historical and Heritage Studies / MsocSci (History) / Unrestricted

The purpose of this essay is to examine how racialized workers are represented in the magazine Kommunalarbetaren which is a part of the Swedish trade union Kommunal. The covers from twenty issues of this magazine published in 2017 were analyzed to study if the representation of these workers was affected by discourses of white normativity. The study is based on theories of intersectionality by Kimberlé Crenshaw and representations and stereotypification by Stuart Hall. My result shows how work is exposed as something white people do and with dichotomies where one is represented as either white, Swedish worker or as a refugee, the latter having vague subject position and as someone who recently arrived in Sweden. The presence, participation and labour of people of color seem to be missing and be a blind spot for the magazine.

As part of her membership negotiations with the EU, Turkey is expected to adopt the &ldquo / acquis communataire&rdquo / , which requires her to adjust her administrative structures to European standards in a variety of policy spheres, including the social policy and social dialogue. Within this context, this thesis aims to analyze the approaches of the Turkish trade union confederations towards the practices of social dialogue at the European level, as well as their experiences of social dialogue mechanisms in Turkey through the data gathered from in depth interviews with the officials of the three trade union confederations, TURK-IS, DISK, HAK-IS, and some of their member unions. While all Turkish trade union confederations find social dialogue mechanisms fairly operational at the EU level, in relation to Turkey they all agree that such mechanisms are far from meeting their expectations. Beyond this common point the conceptualizations of social dialogue, interpretations over its structure, functions, and features, as well as the evaluations accounting for its underdevelopment in the Turkish context, show considerable variation across the three confederations.

Following thesis deals with issue of trade union recreations held by Revolutionary Trade Union Movement (ROH) in Czechoslovakia between 1945 - 1989. Theoretical roots of this work are the concept of leisure time, Revolutionary Trade Union Movement (ROH) and trade union recreations, including all their types (selective inland and outland recreations, corporate recreations, Pioneer Organization's summer camps). The thesis gets its findings on the one hand from archive sources as well as from interviews with witnesses, on the other hand from studying of secondary literature. The thesis describes differences between particular types of recreations and presents their alterations throughout history. In the same time, it relates the issue of trade union recreations to the concept of leisure time as a condition for a formation of trade union recreations. It also deals with the role of Trade Union Movement (ROH) in organisation of recreations itself. The goal of the thesis is to process fundamental trends, tendencies and changes of union recreations and their typology.

Abstract: A CASE STUDY: U.S. LABOUR RELATIONS WITH THE TRADE UNION COUNCIL OF SOUTH AFRICA 1960-1973 The aim of this study is to examine US policies towards the South African labour movement through the American Federation of Labour - Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) and US official institutions, such as the State Department and the Labour Department of the United States, US universities etc. with particular focus on the period between the 1960s and mid-1970s. The study is shaped as a case study. In the study, the labour relations between the US and South Africa in the beginning of the 1960s and the middle of 1970s are examined by specifically focusing on TUCSA. The study is composed to six chapters. Following the first two chapters devoted for introduction and literature review, the developments of the post-Second World War era, such as the internationalization process of capital accumulation around the world, the cold war and the formation process of new international organizations are dealt with. The re-structuring process of the international labour movement under the cold war conditions and the development of overseas labour policies of the ICFTU and the AFL-CIO are also handled in this chapter. In the fourth chapter, the capitalist development process of South Africa in the post Second World War Era is discussed. The capital accumulation process under the apartheid and the developments within the labour movement are the main issues dealt with in this chapter. In the fifth chapter, US investments in South Africa between the beginning of the sixties and the mid seventies and the effects of these investments in the capital accumulation process of South Africa are evaluated. In the last chapter, the main focal point of the study, US labour relations with South Africa between the 1960s and the middle of the 1970s is focused on with particular reference to the relations between TUCSA and the US labour institutions including the AFL-CIO and other official organizations of the US. In the study, a historical framework is developed by focusing on developments in international scale and South African scale. In the third, fourth and fifth chapters, extensive literature on international labour, capitalist development of South Africa, labour history of South Africa and US investments in South Africa is given to elaborate the issue. The sixth chapter, which is the main chapter of the study, is relied principally upon archive materials of TUCSA.

This thesis discusses the working class formation, particularly the class consciousness formation of the working class during the Democrat Party period. Class consciousness formation is evaluated as a dimension of class formation process. Getting organized, trade unionization and collective action, especially calling a strike are among the significant aspects of class consciousness formation. During the DP period, right to strike is the most controversial and noteworthy issue. It is the basic debate in the trade union newspapers. This is the reason of discussing class consciousness with reference to right to strike as handled by the trade union newspapers. According to this study, class consciousness should be perceived as a phenomenon composed of different levels. In addition, class struggle can take place in different ways and class consciousness can have different forms. Although, it is hard to say that there is a class consciousness in the Leninist sense of the term, it is possible to talk about an economic-corporate consciousness with Gramsci&rsquo / s words. Trade unionization during the DP period and trade union publications are important experience of the workers in class consciousness formation process. Working classes do not generally taken into consideration in the studies of the DP period and also in the researches on Turkish labor history. The study also asserts that, experiences of trade unions or the workers in general during the DP period are worth to analyze for the Turkish labor history.

PAULA, Maria Valdecir Abreu de. Crise, resistência e luta dos trabalhadores em educação do Ceará, libertar o sindicato ou libertar-se do sindicato: o caso do SINDIUTE. 2010. 167f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Faculdade de Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza-CE, 2010. / Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-08-06T14:16:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_DIS_MVAPAULA.pdf: 6696173 bytes, checksum: 3459e9de906ec07f3204bd58a192c738 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-08-09T11:12:36Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_DIS_MVAPAULA.pdf: 6696173 bytes, checksum: 3459e9de906ec07f3204bd58a192c738 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-08-09T11:12:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2010_DIS_MVAPAULA.pdf: 6696173 bytes, checksum: 3459e9de906ec07f3204bd58a192c738 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / The current study argues on the Education workers’ trade union organization in Ceará, which originated the Education Workers Union (SINDIUTE). Its primary aim is registering the historical struggle of such entity as an instrument of workers’ resistance from the 1980’s. The research intends to recall organization’s main efforts and achievements against the offensive of the varied governments, the crisis that the institution faced by 1991, the rupture of Union workers’ sector (Union articulation) that came into light by the end of the 1990’s, and the abandon of the Union by its managers, in 2003. For such, it seeks to criticize the politics and the organization that the worker class lived in the 1990’s, facing the world economic crisis. The study denounces legal procedures Brazilian last governments adopted from that decade and analyzing the feedback of worker class, particularly the united one, in a national plan, within CUT, and in a state plan, within SINDIUTE. The study shows to be contrary to the proposition/defense character that CUT’s main sector performed since that. It denounces attacks to union workers’ freedom and autonomy that marked SINDIUTE’s foundation based on actions of government and sectors of the very category. Therefore, the research refuses the idea of work centrality loss within contemporary world, position that the sector that denied SINDIUTE in 2003, Radical Critics, assumed, defending union workers’ efforts abandon. Analysis here confirms the evaluation that workers union movement lives a critical period, due to both, the increasing of working power, and the crisis of managers, configured with the position of defense/proposition that the main Brazilian trade sector adopted. Nonetheless, it reaffirms the essential trade unions role in the context of the general fight for the emancipation of workers class, which stipulates its immediate task of recomposing the independence of class and the autonomy of their trade unions facing pseudo-democratic and popular governments, as well as bosses. It defends as a primary need let the workers union free from the defensive politics of most of managers, from its increasing capture by trade union’s structure and economic imperatives. / A presente pesquisa aborda o processo de organização sindical dos trabalhadores em educação do Ceará que deu origem ao Sindicato Único dos Trabalhadores em Educação (SINDIUTE). Tem como objetivo central registrar a histórica luta da entidade sindical no Ceará como instrumento da resistência dos trabalhadores em educação, a partir da década de 1980. O trabalho pretende resgatar as principais lutas e ganhos no processo organizativo contra a ofensiva dos diferentes governos, a crise vivida pela entidade em sua tentativa de unificação em 1991, a ruptura do setor cutista (Articulação Sindical) ocorrida no final da década de 1990 e o abandono do sindicato por seu núcleo dirigente, em 2003. Para tanto, procura realizar uma leitura crítica do processo político e organizativo vivido pela classe trabalhadora no Brasil na década de 1990, confrontado com a crise mundial do capital. Explicita as medidas legais adotadas pelos últimos governos brasileiros, a partir da referida década, e analisa a resposta da classe trabalhadora, particularmente a sindicalmente organizada, no plano nacional, na Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) e no plano estadual, no SINDIUTE. A pesquisa se posiciona contrária ao caráter propositivo/defensivo que caracterizou a política do setor majoritário da CUT, a partir de então. Denuncia os ataques à liberdade e autonomia sindical que marcaram o processo de fundação do SINDIUTE a partir de ações dos governos e de setores da própria categoria. Refuta a ideia da perda da centralidade do trabalho no mundo contemporâneo, posição assumida pelo setor que rompeu com SINDIUTE em 2003, o grupo Crítica Radical, que defende o abandono da luta sindical. A nossa análise corrobora a avaliação de que o movimento sindical vive um momento de intensa crise, seja pelo recrudescimento da exploração da força de trabalho, seja pela crise de sua direção, consubstanciada na posição adotada pelo setor majoritário do sindicalismo brasileiro. Entretanto, reafirma o papel imprescindível das organizações sindicais no contexto da luta geral pela emancipação da classe trabalhadora, direcionando para esta, como tarefa imediata, recompor a independência de classe e autonomia de suas organizações sindicais diante de governos pseudodemocráticos e populares e dos patrões. Defende como necessidade premente libertar o sindicato da política defensiva da maioria das suas direções, da sua crescente captura pela estrutura sindical e dos imperativos do capital.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-09-19T17:49:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 alexandrearanhaarbia.pdf: 866871 bytes, checksum: bc08a765ce8b5fd46b9c2080cdfccd1c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-26T20:23:24Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 alexandrearanhaarbia.pdf: 866871 bytes, checksum: bc08a765ce8b5fd46b9c2080cdfccd1c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-26T20:23:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 alexandrearanhaarbia.pdf: 866871 bytes, checksum: bc08a765ce8b5fd46b9c2080cdfccd1c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-08-13 / Para inúmeros analistas do movimento sindical, a Central Única dos Trabalhadores teria alterado sua postura ao longo dos anos: de uma prática classista, confrontacionista e de uma perspectiva socialista a um sindicalismo conciliatório, cidadão, calcado numa perspectiva social-democrata e reformista. Este trabalho filia-se à interpretação destes autores, procurando demonstrar, através da análise das resoluções dos Congressos Nacionais da CUT, que essas alterações trazem como background uma reorientação teórica, culminando numa postura ideológica que se reflete diretamente nas práticas sindicais. A análise se inicia pela retomada de clássicos do pensamento marxista que discutiram o movimento dos trabalhadores em suas épocas, destacando a importância da atividade sindical. Busca, neste mesmo referencial, o método justo para forjar um entendimento histórico-ontológico. Alcança as particularidades do objeto passando em sumária revista a história do “Novo Sindicalismo” e as abordagens de alguns eminentes estudiosos brasileiros. Por fim, procura demonstrar como a (aqui denominada) curvatura da Central se materializa nas resoluções de seus Congressos Nacionais, explicitando concepções teóricas e ideológicas que subsidiam as análises e planos de ação cutistas. A substituição dos referenciais socialistas pelos democráticos, assim como uma reorientação na compreensão estratégica do Estado, culmina numa nova postura ideológica que implica na valorização dos consensos, na alteridade, na assimilação de mediações do capital, reconvertendo os próprios objetivos finais. Definitivamente, está aberta a possibilidade de questionamento da contribuição do sindicalismo cutista para o avanço (ou retrocesso) da consciência de classe. / For numerous analysts of the labor movement, the Central Única dos Trabalhadores would have changed their stance over the years: from a classist, confrontational practice and a socialist perspective to a conciliatory, citizen oriented trade union, based in a social democratic, reformist perspective. This work joins the interpretation of these authors and attempt to demonstrate, through analysis of the resolutions of the National Congresses of the CUT, that these changes bring a theoretical reorientation as background, culminating in an ideological stance which is reflected directly in trade union practices. The analysis begins with the revival of classical Marxist thinkers that have discussed the labor movement in their times, highlighting the importance of trade union activity. This work also search in this same framework, the fair method to forge an historical and ontological understanding. Reaches the particularities of the object passing in review the history of the "Novo Sindicalismo” and the approaches of some eminent Brazilian scholars. Finally, it explains how the (here called) curvature of the Central materializes in resolutions of its National Congresses, revealing the theoretical and ideological concepts that underpin the analysis and action plans of CUT. The replacement of the socialist references by the democratic ones, as well as a shift in strategic understanding of the State, result in a new ideological stance that implies in the valorization of the consensus, the otherness, the assimilation of mediations of capital by converting their own ultimate goals. Definitely the possibility is open for questioning the contribution of the CUT trade union movement for the advancement (or regression) of class consciousness.

La période est marquée par des projets de réforme qui ont des conséquences importantes sur l'enseignement de l'Histoire. Cependant, les professeurs d'Histoire, peu nombreux dans la population active, restent divisés, aussi bien sur la stratégie syndicale à adopter que sur les questions pédagogiques ou historiographiques soulevées par ces réformes. En effet, les professeurs se rattachent à des cultures syndicales ou associatives particulières et poursuivent souvent des objectifs opposés. Néanmoins, ces clivages peuvent être comblés, grâce à l'action de syndicalistes soucieux de rechercher des alliés, afin de briser l'isolement dans lequel se trouve leur organisation. Par conséquent, les représentants des professeurs disposent de marges de manœuvre limitées, mais réelles, pour s’opposer aux réformes qu'ils redoutent. / The period is marked by reform projects which have important consequences on the teaching of History. However, history teachers, few in the working population, remain relatively divided as well on the trade-union strategy, as on the teaching or historiographical issues raised by the reforms. Teachers, indeed, are attached to particular trade-union cultures, privileging different goals. However, this trade union rift can be filled by the action of trade unionists, anxious to search allies in order to break the isolation of their organization. Consequently, teacher representatives thus have often only leeway limited, but real, to be opposed to the reforms which they fear.