This study aims at investigating how economic inequality affects the possibilities for successful water cooperation between neighboring states sharing a transboundary watershed. As of 2019, researchers have concluded that there are 310 international river basins affecting 150 countries and 52 percent of the world’s population. Drawing on theories from research on cross-border cooperation and openness focusing on the relative attributes of bordering states, the hypothesis is that the more economically equal two bordering states are, the more they will cooperate regarding their shared waters, while the total economic development of the dyad will also have a positive effect on transboundary water cooperation. Initial regression analyses show no effect of economic inequality in a dyad on its transboundary water cooperation, while the effect of the accumulated economic development is significant. However, after including control variables on joint democracy, cultural similarities, conflict history, quality of government and region in the model, economic inequality is shown to have a statistically significant effect on transboundary water cooperation. Contrary to the predictions, this correlation is positive, which means that economic inequality between riparian states actually enhances cooperation in this study. One possible explanation may be the power imbalance economic inequality creates, which might allow the economically more powerful state to dictate the terms and impose cooperative arrangements on the weaker state that serve its own interests.

O trabalho aqui apresentado busca analisar a centralidade dos recursos hídricos no conflito israelo-palestino e em suas negociações de paz, no que diz respeito à configuração territorial tanto do Estado de Israel quanto de um possível Estado Palestino, a partir da perspectiva da Geografia Política. Partindo desse pressuposto busca discutir questões relacionadas à segurança internacional, à soberania dos Estados, e uma suposta mudança de paradigmas em relação a esses temas a partir da emergência das questões ambientais nas últimas décadas. A discussão acerca das possibilidades de conflitos envolvendo recursos hídricos é de grande relevância. Assim, analisar esse assunto tendo como área de estudo o Estado de Israel e os Territórios Ocupados da Palestina, acrescenta ao tema elementos de maior dramaticidade, devido a diversos fatores tais como a pouca oferta hídrica e a importância estratégica da região, o que decorre de fatores de ordem econômica, política e cultural. A partir de tal recorte regional, foi feita uma análise do conflito num constante variar de escalas, possibilitando assim, compreender os eventos locais desde uma perspectiva da totalidade, de forma que essa compreensão possa servir também como base para estudos de ordem global. Foi possível perceber as dificuldades encontradas pelo povo palestino, bem como as preocupações do Estado de Israel em relação à sua segurança hídrica. A água se torna então um elemento político na disputa por territórios e também nas mesas de negociações do conflito. / This paper aims at analyzing the centrality of water resources in the Israeli- Palestinian conflict, as well as in their peace attempts, regarding the territorial configuration of both State of Israel and a possible Palestinian State, from a Political Geography perspective. Assuming that the water is a central element in the conflict the present paper discusses some issues related to international security, states sovereignty, and a supposed change of paradigm regarding these issues from the emerging environmental discussions in the last decades. The discussion around the possibilities of existing water-related conflicts is surely relevant. Thus, analyzing this subject, having as a case study the State of Israel and the Occupied Territories of Palestine adds some elements that bring more dramaticity to the matter, due to several factors such as water insufficient offer and the region strategic importance, as a result of factors of economical, political and cultural order. From such regional framework, the conflict has been analyzed with a constant shifting of scales, which allows us to understand local events from a global perspective in a way that this comprehension in a regional scale may serve as a background for studies in a global scale. It was possible to notice the difficulties faced by Palestinians, as well as worries of the State of Israel regarding water security. Water then becomes a political element in the struggle for territories and also, in the peace negotiation talks.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o conflito diplomático ocorrido entre Brasil e Paraguai nos anos de 2008 e 2009, entendendo-o como um evento que contesta a hidrohegemonia brasileira. As bases teóricas desta pesquisa são conceitos e teorias da geografia política com ênfase na teoria da hidropolítica e no conceito de hidro-hegemonia. A metodologia está baseada em pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e entrevistas. Sob a perspectiva da hidropolítica o conflito diplomático analisado é um evento que compõe o processo de disputa pelo domínio dos recursos hídricos transfronteiriços do rio Paraná. Contextualizamos a origem da Itaipu Binacional no processo de disputa entre Brasil e Paraguai pelo domínio desses recursos hídricos transfronteiriços como uma solução interdependente para problemas interdependentes entre Estados vizinhos. Até a ratificação do Tratado de Itaipu a hidro-hegemonia brasileira estava consolidada por meio do controle físico do fluxo hídrico da bacia do Alto Paraná. Após a ratificação desse tratado o Brasil consolida o controle normativo do fluxo hídrico, posto que as bases deste Tratado são as assimetrias existentes entre os Estados. O conflito ocorrido entre 2008 e 2009 buscou reorientar a relação bilateral, com a contestação do exercício do poder material para a superação das divergências na Itaipu Binacional. Isto foi possível por meio do fortalecimento do poder ideacional paraguaio e o consequente fortalecimento do seu poder de negociação. / This work aims to analyze the diplomatic conflict occurred between Brazil and Paraguay in 2008 and 2009, understanding it as an event that challenges the Brazilian hydro-hegemony. The theoretical bases of this research are concepts and theories of political geography with an emphasis on Hydropolitics theory and hydro-hegemony concept. The methodology is based on bibliographical research, documents and interviews. From the perspective of the Hydropolitics this diplomatic conflict is an event that integrates the dispute process to dominate the transboundary water resources of the Parana River. The origin of Itaipu Binacional is contextualized in the process of dispute between Brazil and Paraguay for dominance of these transboundary water resources as an interdependent solution to interdependent problems between neighboring states. Until the ratification of the Itaipu Treaty Brazilian hydro-hegemony was consolidated through physical control of the water flow in the Upper Paraná basin. After the ratification of this treaty Brazil consolidates the regulatory control of the water flow, since the basis of this Treaty are the existing asymmetries between the states. The conflict occurred between 2008 and 2009 sought to reorient the bilateral relationship with the challenge of the exercise of the material power to overcome the divergences in Itaipu. This was possible through the strengthening of the Paraguayan ideational power and the consequent strengthening of their bargaining power.

It is recognised by society that freshwater resources play a major role in economic development and in maintaining life supporting ecosystems services. Transboundary river basins cover about 45% of the earth’s land surface and their governance is therefore of critical importance. Transboundary freshwater resources are considered a common-pool resource. Collective action is therefore needed in order to supply both public and private goods from these resources but is yet in short supply. This thesis intends to analyse a complementary framework to the common Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) approach with the objective of enhancing investments in collective action to address this dilemma. Results indicate that transboundary water resources management in itself can be identified as a regional public good. The results also indicate that IWRM has been promoted as a standard management concept; often without first having identified and agreed the objectives of the intended multiple uses of water. Outcomes related to IWRM at the transboundary scale are therefore difficult to identify and evidence points towards continued water quality degradation at a global scale and development opportunities not achieved. Two different tools for how to assess the generation of benefits from cooperation are presented in this thesis including an institutional assessment framework adapted to transboundary institutions. Together these steps make up an outcome-driven approach that clarifies the value of water in all management and development stages. Through such an outcome-driven approach, water issues can provide the incentives necessary in order to identify cooperative paths and thus become important factors in negotiations to establish effective regional governance regimes. This would take the broader political, economic and geographical context into consideration thus supporting a process towards more integration of interests between countries.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o conflito diplomático ocorrido entre Brasil e Paraguai nos anos de 2008 e 2009, entendendo-o como um evento que contesta a hidrohegemonia brasileira. As bases teóricas desta pesquisa são conceitos e teorias da geografia política com ênfase na teoria da hidropolítica e no conceito de hidro-hegemonia. A metodologia está baseada em pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e entrevistas. Sob a perspectiva da hidropolítica o conflito diplomático analisado é um evento que compõe o processo de disputa pelo domínio dos recursos hídricos transfronteiriços do rio Paraná. Contextualizamos a origem da Itaipu Binacional no processo de disputa entre Brasil e Paraguai pelo domínio desses recursos hídricos transfronteiriços como uma solução interdependente para problemas interdependentes entre Estados vizinhos. Até a ratificação do Tratado de Itaipu a hidro-hegemonia brasileira estava consolidada por meio do controle físico do fluxo hídrico da bacia do Alto Paraná. Após a ratificação desse tratado o Brasil consolida o controle normativo do fluxo hídrico, posto que as bases deste Tratado são as assimetrias existentes entre os Estados. O conflito ocorrido entre 2008 e 2009 buscou reorientar a relação bilateral, com a contestação do exercício do poder material para a superação das divergências na Itaipu Binacional. Isto foi possível por meio do fortalecimento do poder ideacional paraguaio e o consequente fortalecimento do seu poder de negociação. / This work aims to analyze the diplomatic conflict occurred between Brazil and Paraguay in 2008 and 2009, understanding it as an event that challenges the Brazilian hydro-hegemony. The theoretical bases of this research are concepts and theories of political geography with an emphasis on Hydropolitics theory and hydro-hegemony concept. The methodology is based on bibliographical research, documents and interviews. From the perspective of the Hydropolitics this diplomatic conflict is an event that integrates the dispute process to dominate the transboundary water resources of the Parana River. The origin of Itaipu Binacional is contextualized in the process of dispute between Brazil and Paraguay for dominance of these transboundary water resources as an interdependent solution to interdependent problems between neighboring states. Until the ratification of the Itaipu Treaty Brazilian hydro-hegemony was consolidated through physical control of the water flow in the Upper Paraná basin. After the ratification of this treaty Brazil consolidates the regulatory control of the water flow, since the basis of this Treaty are the existing asymmetries between the states. The conflict occurred between 2008 and 2009 sought to reorient the bilateral relationship with the challenge of the exercise of the material power to overcome the divergences in Itaipu. This was possible through the strengthening of the Paraguayan ideational power and the consequent strengthening of their bargaining power.

O trabalho aqui apresentado busca analisar a centralidade dos recursos hídricos no conflito israelo-palestino e em suas negociações de paz, no que diz respeito à configuração territorial tanto do Estado de Israel quanto de um possível Estado Palestino, a partir da perspectiva da Geografia Política. Partindo desse pressuposto busca discutir questões relacionadas à segurança internacional, à soberania dos Estados, e uma suposta mudança de paradigmas em relação a esses temas a partir da emergência das questões ambientais nas últimas décadas. A discussão acerca das possibilidades de conflitos envolvendo recursos hídricos é de grande relevância. Assim, analisar esse assunto tendo como área de estudo o Estado de Israel e os Territórios Ocupados da Palestina, acrescenta ao tema elementos de maior dramaticidade, devido a diversos fatores tais como a pouca oferta hídrica e a importância estratégica da região, o que decorre de fatores de ordem econômica, política e cultural. A partir de tal recorte regional, foi feita uma análise do conflito num constante variar de escalas, possibilitando assim, compreender os eventos locais desde uma perspectiva da totalidade, de forma que essa compreensão possa servir também como base para estudos de ordem global. Foi possível perceber as dificuldades encontradas pelo povo palestino, bem como as preocupações do Estado de Israel em relação à sua segurança hídrica. A água se torna então um elemento político na disputa por territórios e também nas mesas de negociações do conflito. / This paper aims at analyzing the centrality of water resources in the Israeli- Palestinian conflict, as well as in their peace attempts, regarding the territorial configuration of both State of Israel and a possible Palestinian State, from a Political Geography perspective. Assuming that the water is a central element in the conflict the present paper discusses some issues related to international security, states sovereignty, and a supposed change of paradigm regarding these issues from the emerging environmental discussions in the last decades. The discussion around the possibilities of existing water-related conflicts is surely relevant. Thus, analyzing this subject, having as a case study the State of Israel and the Occupied Territories of Palestine adds some elements that bring more dramaticity to the matter, due to several factors such as water insufficient offer and the region strategic importance, as a result of factors of economical, political and cultural order. From such regional framework, the conflict has been analyzed with a constant shifting of scales, which allows us to understand local events from a global perspective in a way that this comprehension in a regional scale may serve as a background for studies in a global scale. It was possible to notice the difficulties faced by Palestinians, as well as worries of the State of Israel regarding water security. Water then becomes a political element in the struggle for territories and also, in the peace negotiation talks.

Kosovo is a disputed territory, in conflict with Serbia, the country it declared independence from in 1999. The two states share water resource, in the form of the Ibër river. Kosovo is facing issues of water scarcity and the water it has access to is heavily polluted with untreated wastewater metallurgy waste.Kosovo does not only have poor relations with Serbia, there are also conflict within Kosovo with communities of both Kosovo Albanian majority and Serb majority. These communities have shown different willingness to cooperate over the water management of the Ibër river basin. Cooperating over shared water resources have in other cases been used as a way to improve on relations in conflict affected societies, through environmental peacemaking. In this case study, the environmental and socio-political conditions for environmental peacemaking is investigated through interviews of municipal and regional stakeholders, involved in the management of the Ibër river basin. Interviews were conducted with two municipal employees and one representative from the regional river basin authority in Kosovo. These interviews were complemented with a comprehensive literature review. The findings were analysed, using a conceptual framework developed to analyse and compare different cases of environmental peacemaking. The conceptual framework consists of six elements: resource scarcity, interdependence, lack of environmental sustainability, mutual interests, shared values, and power (a)symmetries. External actions and interests was also included as an element to reveal in what way external actors can intervene and assist in improving relations through environmental peacemaking initiatives. The analysis concluded that the Ibër river basin is in a need of transboundary management to improve on the water quality in a more effective and efficient way. The resource scarcity that is currently facing the stakeholders could be used as a cooperative trigger between the different actors. And while there is a lot of complexity to within the socio-political conditions, the interviewees express the need and interest for increased cooperation. This indicates that increased collaboration could be possible, but most likely there would be a need for external interventions to create an ongoing dialogue, that in turn can build trust between the conflicting parties. / <p>Remote presentation on Teams</p>

Increasing demand for water combined with the effects of climate change makes water scarcity a growing concern amplifying vulnerabilities for populations worldwide. One way to cope with the exacerbated vulnerabilities is to migrate. In fact, water scarcity is linked with a rise in internal migration rates in recent decades. However, water scarcity does not by itself lead to migration. Variations in migration as a response to water scarcity can exist, where some people migrate, and others stay. For instance, migration costs are often expensive. Thus, poorer individuals may be trapped in water-scarce areas, unable to migrate. This thesis explores the water-migration nexus in the most water-scarce region in the world, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, by examining what causes migration due to water scarcity. The thesis probes the hypothesis that migration due to water scarcity is more likely to occur in wealthier countries than in poorer countries. Therefore, the upper-middle-income country Iraq is compared to the lower-middle-income country Egypt to examine explanations for the variation in migration due to water scarcity in the MENA region. The two countries experience drastic declines in water availability per capita as a result of population growth, effects of climate change, and dependency on transboundary waters. Despite being similarly affected by water scarcity, variations of migration as a response exist within and between the countries. The findings from the comparative case study confirm the hypothesis to some extent, as water scarcity-induced migration is more prominent in the wealthier country Iraq than in the poorer country Egypt. The findings suggest that economic factors partly can explain the variation of migration (e.g., if moving costs are affordable and if migrating is the least costly option). However, alternative explanations for the difference may exist. For instance, overall migration dynamics within the countries, water governance, perception of welfare in the new location, and reliance on social networks or other coping strategies can amplify or mitigate migration. Most importantly, the thesis concludes that in order to achieve sustainable societies for all, growing attention and urgent action must be taken to improve the situation for rural populations in water-scarce areas to mitigate its adverse impacts on populations' livelihoods. / زيادة الحاجة على المياه بالإضافة الى أثار تغيير المناخ تجعل نقص المياه مصدر قلق متزايد مما يؤدي الى زيادة نقاط الضعف لدى السكان في جميع أنحاء العالم. إحدى طرق التعامل مع نقاط الضعف المتفاقمة هي الهجرة. في الواقع يرتبط نقص المياه بارتفاع معدلات الهجرة الداخلية في العقود الأخيرة. مع ذلك, هناك اختلافات في كيفية استجابة السكان لنقص المياه, حيث يهاجر بعض الناس بسبب نقص المياه, والبعض الآخر محاصر في مناطق نقص المياه. على سبيل المثال, غالبًا ما تكون تكاليف الهجرة باهظة الثمن. وبالتالي, قد يكون الأفراد الأكثر فقراً محاصرين في مناطق شحيحة المياه وغير قادرين على الهجرة. تستكشف هذه الرسالة العلاقة بين الهجرة ونقص المياه في أكثر المناطق تأثراً من نقص المياه في منطقة الشرق الأوسط وشمال إفريقيا. تبحث الأطروحة عن الفرضية القائلة بأن الهجرة بسبب نقص المياه من المرجح أن تحدث في البلدان الأكثر ثراءً من البلدان الأكثر فقراٌ. لذلك, تتم مقارنة الدولة ذات الدخل المتوسط الأعلى وهي العراق مع الدولة ذات الدخل المتوسط الأدنى وهي مصر لفحص تفسيرات الهجرة الداخلية و مشكلة السكان المحاصرين حيث تكون المياه شحيحة. تعاني البلدين من انخفاض حاد في توافر المياه للفرد بسبب النمو السكاني, وآثار تغير المناخ، والاعتماد على المياه العابرة للحدود. يتأثر كلا البلدين بالمثل في نقص المياه, ولكن تختلف أستراتيجية الهجرة بسبب نقص المياه داخل البلدين وفيما بينها. تؤكد نتائج دراسة الحالة المقارنة الفرضية إلى حدٍ ما, حيث أن الهجرة الناجمة عن نقص المياه هي الأكثر بروزًا في البلد الأغنى وهي العراق و البلد الأفقر وهي مصر. تشير النتائج إلى أن العوامل الاقتصادية يمكن أن تفسر جزئيًا تباين الهجرة (على سبيل المثال إذا كانت تكاليف النقل مستطاعة أو إذا كانت الهجرة هو الخيار الأقل تكلفة). ومع ذلك, قد توجد تفسيرات بديلة معقولة للاختلاف. على سبيل المثال, يمكن أن تؤدي ديناميكيات الهجرة الإجمالية داخل البلدين, وإدارة المياه, وتصور الرفاهية في الموقع الجديد, والإعتماد على الشبكات الاجتماعية أو استراتيجيات المواجهة الأخرى إلى تضخيم الهجرة أو تخفيفها. والأهم من ذلك, لخصت الأطروحة إلى أنه من أجل تحقيق مجتمعات مستدامة للجميع, يجب إتخاذ المزيد من الإهتمام و ردة فعل عاجلة على تحسين حالة سكان الريف في المناطق التي تعاني من شح المياه للتخفيف من آثارها السلبية على سبل العيش للسكان