The Master Thesis American Foreign Policy and the Arab Uprisings in Egypt, Libya, and Syria concentrates primarily on the conflict between democracy promotion and pursuit of strategic and security interests within the U.S. foreign policy with respect to uprisings in Egypt, Libya, and Syria that broke out in the beginning of 2011. The thesis also concentrates on the processes and the tools used by the United States to support either democratization efforts or their vital interests and how these processes were publicly communicated. The thesis is divided into three parts. The first part analyzes history of democracy promotion in the U.S. foreign policy and its conflict with interest-based stability promotion. The second, and the most extensive, part examines the uprisings in Egypt, Libya, and Syria with an accent on the U.S. foreign policy. The third part seeks to identify patterns and features of the U.S. foreign policy with respect to the uprisings in the mentioned countries using the facts mentioned in the previous two chapters. The thesis uses mainly newspaper articles and expert opinions as the principle sources. As the topic is a very current issue there is no huge number of academic sources available especially concerning the later phases of the uprisings. Also, official sources like analyses...

The idea that the United States is bequeathed the special mission of leading mankind toward liberty has dominated U.S. foreign relations since the American Revolution. It remains the most pervasive theme in Americans' thought about the world to the extent that over time, it has become firmly embedded in the nation's historical and cultural consciousness. A study of diplomatic, intellectual, and cultural history, America in the World: Ideology and U.S. Foreign Policy, 1944-1950 examines the impact of this exceptionalist vision on the policies and public debates that influenced Americans' thinking about their role in the world from the beginning of their efforts to design the global post-World War II order to the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950. Believers in Lockean progress and advocates of modernization, the administrations of Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman sought to establish a one-world order based on American liberal political and economic ideals. At the heart of this American-designed postwar world stood the United Nations, created to ensure collective security and foster a spirit of international collaboration, and transnational institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, envisioned to protect the global economy and promote free trade. These institutions served as concrete articulations of U.S. national interests yet at the same time they were intended to inaugurate a "New Deal" and a "Fair Deal" for the world. Interpreting American post-war and Cold War policymaking through the lens of exceptionalism provides a complementary methodological framework to the national security or economic theses more commonly employed to describe this period. When the Soviet Union refused to accept the American-designed one-world order, the American response - inside and outside of government - was overwhelmingly shaped by ideology. While economic considerations and national security influenced U.S. Cold War policy, this dissertation demonstrates that it was the challenge posed by Moscow's universalist aspirations and Communism's inherent teleological ideology that caused Americans to turn the Cold War into a battle for a way of life.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

Recent AI advancements have prompted calls for regulatory measures, which have faced opposition due to foreign policy concerns about China. This study researches the origins and implications of these concerns by analyzing U.S. public opinion toward China in the context of AI and foreign policy. It examines how these attitudes correlate with social and political factors and uses the ‘Micro-Foundation of International Relations Theory’ to assess potential impact on U.S. policies. The research employs a quantitative analysis of 2018 survey data from the Future of Humanity Institute at Oxford University. Using game theory models, the study operationalizes foreign policy attitudes through survey responses. Responses are analyzed utilizing cluster analysis, logistic regression, and multinomial logistic regression. The results indicate that 21% of the U.S. population adopts more conflict-promoting views, likely individuals with high political capital and conservative leaning. Another 29% share the first group’s general opinions and characteristics but differentiate in prioritizing U.S.-led de-escalation and liberal-leaning. 29% support cooperation with China but also preemptive armament; they are younger, liberal-leaning, and have lower political capital. 20% abstained from expressing clear opinions due to lack of knowledge, indicating socio-economic disparities. Policy implications include a future high risk of an AI arms race.

This paper seeks to determine under what conditions a U.S. president can implement a grand strategy given the nature of domestic and international opportunities and constraints. It will examine three comparative case studies: Jimmy Carter, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama, with the goal of determining what conditions are necessary at the individual, domestic, and systemic levels of analysis for grand strategy implementation. At the individual level, it will apply operational code analysis, as well as an examination of personal characteristics for each case study. At the domestic level, it will apply a five-prong test for examining factors that are key to grand strategy implementation: (1) unity of foreign policy team; (2) strength of presidency; (3) party alignment between Congress and the president; (4) public opinion; and (5) strength of domestic economy. At the systemic level, it will examine significant events faced by each president that tested whether his grand strategy could respond effectively to international imperatives. Ultimately, it will assess the success of each president's attempt at grand strategy implementation based on: (1) how closely U.S. policies aligned with his grand strategy; and (2) whether policies put in place that aligned with his grand strategy improved the global standing of the U.S. Through this analysis, it will assess the larger implications of having a grand strategy on U.S. foreign policy.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of Political Science, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references.

U.S. policymakers consistently argue that U.S. security depends on hemispheric democracy. As an instrument of U.S. policy, did foreign assistance promote democracy in Central America, 1946 through 1994? Finding that U.S. foreign assistance directly promoted neither GDP nor democracy in Central America, 1946 through 1994, I conclude that U.S. policy failed consistently in this specific regard.

The main objective of this diploma thesis is to analyze the nature of obstacles to the regional approach to Afghanistan through the lens of the Regional Security Complex Theory. I will focus on studying security dynamics within and among three security complexes surrounding Afghanistan, to see how these dynamics affect their interaction with the latter. Prospects of any regional cooperation on Afghanistan are hampered by security dynamics within these complexes whereby primary traditional political-military threats are perceived by the complex states as more threatening than the mostly transnational threats stemming from unstable Afghanitan. Particularly the Indo-Pakistani rivalry and to a lesser extent the Saudi-Iranian rivalry represent major obstacles as it is reflected also in their engagement in Afghanistan. On the other hand, weak Central Asia states are linked to Afghanistan security dynamics by mostly transnational threats and ethnic affinities but are generally too weak to extend their security dynamics beyond their respective complex. The thesis also seeks to analyze the possibility of Afghanistan's external transformation in terms of its inclusion into the South Asia complex and based on now stronger security interdependence among the Afghanistan-Pakistan-India triangle. This assumption could...