Este trabalho procura responder por que as políticas externas de Uganda, Tanzânia e Quênia convergiram ao final da década de 1990 culminando na refundação da Comunidade da África Oriental (CAO). Leva-se em consideração o quadro de análise em dois níveis: a política interna e o sistema internacional. O trabalho guia-se por duas hipóteses. A primeira é que dificuldades econômicas domésticas, experimentadas na década de 1990 — marcada pela adoção do Consenso de Washington —, deram impulso a forças políticas que favoreciam parcerias regionais. Já a segunda é que a CAO seria um fator conducente à constituição de um paradigma relacional no leste africano, permitindo a resolução pacífica de controvérsias entre os Estados membros e a coordenação de ações militares em seu entorno. Para averiguar as hipóteses, analisam-se os processos políticos internos dos três países em busca das causas da aproximação, isto é, mudanças de governo, governante e de arcabouço institucional. Traça-se também a evolução da políticas externas de Quênia, Tanzânia e Uganda, relacionando-as com o panorama internacional da época e com as dinâmicas políticas domésticas. Ademais, exploram-se os limites da convergência política através do estudo de alguns casos específicos: projetos de integração infraestrutural na CAO, a guerra civil da Somália e as guerras na República Democrática do Congo. Verifica-se que na Tanzânia a transição presidencial foi determinante para a mudança na política externa. Em Uganda, a superação da instabilidade interna (insurgências) permitiu o maior engajamento regional. Em contraste, a política externa queniana mostrou-se mais reativa ao contexto externo: a perda de valor estratégico do país para os Estados Unidos com o fim da Guerra Fria obrigou-o a buscar aliados regionais para evitar isolamento. Já os estudos de caso mostram que a convergência política encontra muitos desafios, pois, embora haja uma relação especial entre Dodoma, Kampala e Nairóbi, eles disputam entre si para tornar-se polo regional de poder. Ainda assim, mesmo quando estão indiretamente em guerra um contra o outro, como na República Democrática do Congo, a integração consegue avançar paulatinamente. / This work aims to answer why did the foreign policies of Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya converge by the end of the 1990s culminating in the re-foundation of the East African Community (EAC). It takes into consideration the two-level analytical framework: internal politics and the international system. Two hypothesis guide the investigation. The first is that domestic economic difficulties, experience in the 1990s — marked by the adoption of the Washington Consensus —, have given impulse to political forces favorable to regional partnerships. The second considers that the EAC is a factor conducive to the constitution of a relational paradigm in East Africa, allowing for the peaceful resolution of controversies among member-states and military action coordination in their surroundings. To test the hypotheses, the internal political processes of the three countries are analyzed in search for the causes of the convergence, that is, changes in government, ruler and institutional framework. The evolution of Kenya's, Tanzania's and Uganda's foreign policies is traced, relating them with the international scene of the period and with domestic political dynamics. Furthermore, the limits of the political convergence are explored through the study of some specific cases: infrastructure integration projects in EAC, Somalia's civil war and the wars in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The work finds that in Tanzania the presidential transition was determinative to the foreign policy shift. In Uganda, the overcoming of internal instability (insurgencies) allowed a greater regional engagement. Conversely, the Kenyan foreign policy has shown to be more reactive to the external context: the country's loss of strategic value to the United States with the end of the Cold War pushed it to seek regional allies to avoid isolation. The case studies have shown that the political convergence meets many challenges, because, although there is a special relationship between Dodoma, Kampala and Nairobi, they dispute to become a regional pole of power. Nevertheless, even when they are indirectly at war with one another, as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the integration manages to advance step by step.

Este trabalho procura responder por que as políticas externas de Uganda, Tanzânia e Quênia convergiram ao final da década de 1990 culminando na refundação da Comunidade da África Oriental (CAO). Leva-se em consideração o quadro de análise em dois níveis: a política interna e o sistema internacional. O trabalho guia-se por duas hipóteses. A primeira é que dificuldades econômicas domésticas, experimentadas na década de 1990 — marcada pela adoção do Consenso de Washington —, deram impulso a forças políticas que favoreciam parcerias regionais. Já a segunda é que a CAO seria um fator conducente à constituição de um paradigma relacional no leste africano, permitindo a resolução pacífica de controvérsias entre os Estados membros e a coordenação de ações militares em seu entorno. Para averiguar as hipóteses, analisam-se os processos políticos internos dos três países em busca das causas da aproximação, isto é, mudanças de governo, governante e de arcabouço institucional. Traça-se também a evolução da políticas externas de Quênia, Tanzânia e Uganda, relacionando-as com o panorama internacional da época e com as dinâmicas políticas domésticas. Ademais, exploram-se os limites da convergência política através do estudo de alguns casos específicos: projetos de integração infraestrutural na CAO, a guerra civil da Somália e as guerras na República Democrática do Congo. Verifica-se que na Tanzânia a transição presidencial foi determinante para a mudança na política externa. Em Uganda, a superação da instabilidade interna (insurgências) permitiu o maior engajamento regional. Em contraste, a política externa queniana mostrou-se mais reativa ao contexto externo: a perda de valor estratégico do país para os Estados Unidos com o fim da Guerra Fria obrigou-o a buscar aliados regionais para evitar isolamento. Já os estudos de caso mostram que a convergência política encontra muitos desafios, pois, embora haja uma relação especial entre Dodoma, Kampala e Nairóbi, eles disputam entre si para tornar-se polo regional de poder. Ainda assim, mesmo quando estão indiretamente em guerra um contra o outro, como na República Democrática do Congo, a integração consegue avançar paulatinamente. / This work aims to answer why did the foreign policies of Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya converge by the end of the 1990s culminating in the re-foundation of the East African Community (EAC). It takes into consideration the two-level analytical framework: internal politics and the international system. Two hypothesis guide the investigation. The first is that domestic economic difficulties, experience in the 1990s — marked by the adoption of the Washington Consensus —, have given impulse to political forces favorable to regional partnerships. The second considers that the EAC is a factor conducive to the constitution of a relational paradigm in East Africa, allowing for the peaceful resolution of controversies among member-states and military action coordination in their surroundings. To test the hypotheses, the internal political processes of the three countries are analyzed in search for the causes of the convergence, that is, changes in government, ruler and institutional framework. The evolution of Kenya's, Tanzania's and Uganda's foreign policies is traced, relating them with the international scene of the period and with domestic political dynamics. Furthermore, the limits of the political convergence are explored through the study of some specific cases: infrastructure integration projects in EAC, Somalia's civil war and the wars in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The work finds that in Tanzania the presidential transition was determinative to the foreign policy shift. In Uganda, the overcoming of internal instability (insurgencies) allowed a greater regional engagement. Conversely, the Kenyan foreign policy has shown to be more reactive to the external context: the country's loss of strategic value to the United States with the end of the Cold War pushed it to seek regional allies to avoid isolation. The case studies have shown that the political convergence meets many challenges, because, although there is a special relationship between Dodoma, Kampala and Nairobi, they dispute to become a regional pole of power. Nevertheless, even when they are indirectly at war with one another, as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the integration manages to advance step by step.

Conferencia realizado del 12 al 14 de setiembre en Lima, Peru del 2012 en el marco del 15º Simposio Internacional de Tesis y Disertaciones Electrónicas (ETD 2012). Evento aupiciado por la Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (UNMSM) y la Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC). / Objective: The purpose of this paper is to investigate the progress so far made by Uugandan universities in establishing Institutional Repositories (IRs) Methods: A questionnaire was designed and distributed among the member institutions of the Consortium of Uganda Uuniversity Librarries (CUUL). Data received from the questionnaires was augmented by osite visits, discussions and interviews with the university libraries. Results: Despite numerous benefits associated with IRs, few institutions have established IRs in Uganda due to certain barriers. This paper argues that although these imbalances are manifested, opportunities still exists for the establishment of IRs for national development. Recommendations: The paper emphasizes the need for partnerships with the different stakeholders in the planning and developing institutional repositories. Conclusions: Insitutional repositories should be considered as principal benchmarks of digital scholarship. Originality/value – It is believed that higher institutions of learning and communities would benefit substantially from establishing IRs. However, it can only be possible with well developed infrastructure, increased funding, coordination and advocacy.

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Library users are constantly expecting new services, which puts tremendous pressure on academic libraries to re-organise their work patterns and devise better ways of service delivery in order to remain relevant. Although there are a lot of developments taking place in terms of information and communication technology (ICT), academic libraries in Sub- Saharan Africa are at different levels of ICT deployment both between different countries and within the same countries. The aim of this study is to determine the status of ICTs in Academic libraries in Central Uganda. The descriptive study employs a survey methodology gathering both quantitative and qualitative data. Data was collected from library staff responsible for the day-to-day management and administration of ICT at 17 of the 22 academic libraries in Central Uganda using survey questionnaires and interviews over a period of twelve months. Findings indicate that there is an improvement in the status of ICTs in academic libraries in Central Uganda although they are deployed at a minimum level. Funding, power fluctuations and low bandwidth still pose a major threat to ICT adoption in academic libraries in Central Uganda. This report informs government, libraries, LIS schools, LIS professional bodies and policy makers on the future course of action regarding ICT deployment and curricula. Notably, there is need for government to support infrastructural development; engage in public-private partnerships for infrastructural developments; exempt taxation of ICT equipment and supplement funding at universities. Libraries should dedicate more funds to purchase ICT equipment; automate all library functions; develop local capacity to manage ICT projects; promote awareness about ICT services and support initiatives from local and international library associations. LIS schools should conduct a curriculum review to reposition the LIS study program to the present and future needs of the job market; monitor and advice government on policy issues affecting higher education include the need to align ICTs to national development. LIS professional bodies need to champion the cause for the standardization of LIS study programs, promote networking and knowledge sharing; articulate national e-strategies and play advisory role to government, LIS schools and libraries. / Mini Dissertation (MIT)--University of Pretoria, 2016. / Carnegie Corporation of New York / Information Science / MIT / Unrestricted

Magister Educationis - MEd / Decentralization of health services in Uganda, driven by the structural adjustment programme of the World Bank, was embraced by government as a means to change the health institutional structure and process delivery of health services in the country. Arising from the decentralization process, the transfer of power concerning functions from the top administrative hierachy in health service provision to lower levels, constitutes a major shift in management, philosophy, infrastructure development, communication as well as other functional roles by actors at various levels of health care. This study focused its investigation on ways and levels to which the process of decentralization of health service delivery has attained efficient and effective provision of health services. The study also examined the extent to which the shift of health service provision has influenced the role of local jurisdictions and communities. Challenges faced by local government leaders in planning and raising funds in response to decentralized health serdelivery were examined. / South Africa

Magister Legum - LLM / The problems connected with transit of goods also have been mostly neglected in the respective literature so far: In most books about the law of the WTO, Article V of GATT 1994 has been left out completely or reference is only made to the text of the article. In the following, this thesis will thus examine (i) what transit restrictions exist for the transport of Ugandan goods from and to the international market through Kenya (see Chapter 2 below); (ii) whether these measures adopted in Kenya are in compliance with the relevant law of the EAC (see Chapter 3 below) and of the WTO (see Chapter 4 below); and (iii) if there is a conflict in jurisdiction in this respect (see Chapter 5 below). In addition, it will then shortly show the current status of the current negotiations of the WTO Trade Facilitation Committee and the possible implications of the Revised Draft Negotiation Text (see Chapter 6 below)

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / This study focuses on the contradictory ways officials frame the problem of providing water services in Kampala with specific emphasis on the debates about framing of key factors that constrain delivery. Perceptions about and framing of policy issues implicitly suggest the causes of problems. Policy scholars acknowledge that formulating policy is “messy” and that it is about values, and not as “evidence-based” as is often assumed. Using a social constructionist perspective that stresses that perceptions tell one how people define situations, this study demonstrates the often contradictory ways that state officials see public problems. Drawing on debates about rational and muddling-through approaches, the study uses thirty structured questionnaires and several semi-structured in-depth interviews to explore the narratives of government officials regarding policy formulation in water delivery. The thesis found that almost all officials see rapid growth in population density in informal areas coupled with unplanned settlements as the single biggest combined issue inhibiting progress. Officials favoured market-related solutions even though their diagnosis of the problem suggested more concerted and comprehensive public planning of urban development.

Doctor Legum - LLD / Uganda, like many African countries in the 1990s, adopted decentralisation as a state reform measure after many years of civil strife and political conflicts, by transferring powers and functions to district councils. The decision to transfer powers and functions to district councils was, in the main, linked to the quest for democracy and development within the broader context of the nation state. This thesis' broader aim is to examine whether the legal and policy framework of decentralisation produces a system of governance that better serves the greater objectives of local democracy, local development and accommodation of ethnicity. Specifically, the thesis pursues one main aim: to examine whether indeed the existing legal framework ensures the smooth devolution process that is needed for decentralised governance to succeed. In so doing, the study seeks, overall, to offer lessons that are critically important not only for Uganda but any other developing nation that has adopted decentralisation as a state-restructuring strategy. The study uses a desk-top research method by reviewing Uganda's decentralisation legal and policy frameworks. In doing so, the thesis assesses decentralisation's ability to deepen democracy, its role in encouraging development and its ability to accommodate diversity. After reviewing the emerging soft law on decentralisation, the thesis, finds that Uganda's legal framework for decentralisation does not fully enable district councils to foster democracy, facilitate development and accommodate diversity. The thesis argues that the institutions that are created under a decentralised system should be purposefully linked to the overall objective of decentralisation. Giving a historical context of Uganda's decentralisation, the thesis notes that institutional accommodation of ethnic diversity in a decentralised system, particularly so in a multiethnic state, is a vital peace building measure. It is argued the exclusion of ethnicity in Uganda's decentralisation is premised on unjustified fear that ethnicity is potentially a volatile attribute for countries immerging from conflict. It maintains that the unilateral creation of many districts, the adoption of a winner-takes-all electoral system, the absence of special seats for ethnic minorities as well as the vaguely defined district powers and functions do not serve the overall objective of decentralisation. The thesis also finds that district councils are overregulated, with little respect for their autonomy, a phenomenon that is highly nostalgic of a highly centralised state. The thesis therefore calls for immediate reforms of Uganda's decentralisation programme.

The goal of this study was two fold. First, to investigate the determinants of soil fertility management and conservation practices in Uganda, with particular interest in the role of poverty, social capital and land tenure. Secondly, to provide an understanding of the causal relationships between social capital and household poverty in Uganda. To achieve the above goals, econometric approaches were employed using a data set collected by IFPRI, the World Bank, and Uganda Bureau of Statistics from a survey that covered eight districts in Uganda. First to investigate the impact of poverty, land tenure and social capital on adoption of SFM and conservation technologies, a multinomial logit (MNL) model was used. Choice of the MNL model was motivated by the need to address the interdependent and joint nature of the adoption decision making. Secondly to understand the influence of social capital and other determinants on poverty in Uganda, a linear regression model was used while a probit model was used to capture the determinants of group participation our measure of social capital. The results show that participation in social institutions generally tends to increase the probability of adopting most SFM and conservation practices and reducing non-adoption. Social capital also reduces household poverty. The study further shows that poverty increases the probability of non-adoption. Also, land tenure security was found to be positively correlated with adoption of fallowing and organic fertilizer use and reducing the probability of non-adoption. Other key factors that affect adoption of SFM and conservation technologies, poverty and group participation include education, road infrastructure, agro-climatic differences, and household size among others. From a policy perspective, the significance of social capital in both technology adoption and the poverty models, suggests that public investment in social capital through: capacity building programs for local groups, infrastructure support, enabling environment for their functioning (legal framework) among others would lead to poverty reduction and improved investments in SFM and conservation technologies. This can be done by incorporating social capital in key government policies such as the poverty eradication action plan and program for modernisation of agriculture. The results also suggest that poverty reduction would increase adoption of SFM and conservation technologies. Copyright 2007, University of Pretoria. All rights reserved. The copyright in this work vests in the University of Pretoria. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, without the prior written permission of the University of Pretoria. Please cite as follows: Birungi, EM 2007, The linkages between land degradation, poverty and social capital in Uganda, PhD thesis, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, viewed yymmdd < http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-01252008-173216 / > / Thesis (PhD(Environmental Economics))--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Agricultural Economics, Extension and Rural Development / unrestricted