Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis analyzes three case studies that chronologically review the main factors that influence the creation of the system of civil control over the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The first case analyzes the period of time before the collapse of the Soviet Union. The second case examines the creation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine from 1991 until 2000. The third case reviews the present system of civil-military relations in Ukraine. The conclusion summarize all findings of the three case studies and states that neglect of the defense issues today will lead to the risk of losing statehood tomorrow or shifting responsibility and financial burden to the future generations. Only a well funded and well-defined program of reform can help to build modern, highly capable, professional western type Armed Forces with good quality civil control over the military. Ukraine has great experience of building and reforming its military structure and system of civil control. The best proof of this is that Ukraine prevented involvement of the army in politics. / Captain, Ukrainian Army

Les gisements uranifères Protérozoïques du batholite du Kurupung (2041 ± 29 Ma) situés au Nord-Ouest du Guyana et du district de Kirovograd - Novoukrainsk (granite de Novoukrainsk daté à 2047 ± 19 Ma) situés en Ukraine sont des occurrences où la minéralisation (présente sous la forme d’uraninite, pechblende, oxyde de U-Ti) est associée à une métasomatose sodique. Elles semblent appartenir à un évènement métallogénique Paléoprotérozoïque majeur nouvellement caractérisé dans le cadre de ce travail, et auquel appartiendraient aussi des minéralisations similaires du Sud marocain et de Lagoa Real au Brésil. Le gisement d’Espinharas situé au Brésil, associé aussi à une métasomatose sodique, présente une minéralisation uranifère principalement visible sous la forme de cristaux de coffinite, d’oxyde d’uranium et d’uranothorite. Cette altération hydrothermale se développe selon différents stades : (i) une albitisation avec remplacement isomorphique de l’orthose et du plagioclase par de l’albite puis une dissolution complète du quartz de la roche ; (ii) une cristallisation d’albite automorphe dans les cavités laissées par le quartz suivie par (iii) une cristallisation de minéraux calciques (calcite, épidote, pyroxène), de minéraux d’uranium (uraninite et/ou pechblende et/ou brannérite et/ou oxyde de U-Ti selon les gisements), de zircons hydrothermaux, de chlorite, et parfois de quartz secondaire. Les études isotopiques (delta18Oalbite compris entre 2,2 et 2,9 ‰ pour les albitites d’Ukraine et delta18Oalbite et delta18Ocalcite compris entre 2,8 et 5,3 ‰ pour des albitites du Guyana) et microthermométriques (Th > 350°C) ont permis de montrer que le fluide hydrothermal responsable de cette altération hydrothermale et de la minéralisation est peu salé et d’origine superficielle. Le fluide hydrothermal est de plus sous-saturé en silice mais sursaturé en Na, U et Zr. / The Proterozoic uranium ore deposits of Kurupung batholith (2041 ± 29 Ma, North-West of Guyana) and of Kirovograd - Novoukrainsk (granite dated at 2047 ± 19 Ma, Ukraine) are two occurrences where the mineralization (occurring as uraninite, pitchblende, U-Ti oxide) is associated to sodium metasomatism. These occurrences and also the similar mineralizations of South Morocco and of Lagoa Real (Brazil) seem to belong to a major Paleoproterozoic metallogenic event characterized in this study. The uranium ore deposit of Espinharas (Brazil) is also associated to a sodium mineralization and presents a uranium mineralization mainly occurring as coffinite crystals, uranium oxide and uranothorite. This hydrothermal alteration has different stages: (i) albitization with an isomorphic replacement of orthoclase and plagioclase by albite, following by a complete dissolution of the quartz; (ii) crystallization of euhedral albite in cavities left by quartz leaching, following by (iii) the crystallization of calcic minerals (calcite, epidote, pyroxene), uranium minerals (uraninite and/or pitchblende and/or brannerite and/or U-Ti oxide according the ore deposits), hydrothermal zircons, chlorite, and sometimes secondary quartz. The isotopic study (delta18Oalbite between 2.2 and 2.9 ‰ for Ukraine albitites; delta18Oalbite and delta18Ocalcite are between 2.8 and 5.3 ‰ for Guyana albitites) and the microthermometric study (Th > 350°C) have permit to show that the hydrothermal fluid responsible of this hydrothermal alteration and the mineralization is a surface derived fluid with a less salinity. The hydrothermal fluid is silica under-saturated but over-saturated in Na, U and Zr.

Lo Yi. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 109-115). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.i / 論文摘要「性別與國家建構：獨立後的烏克蘭」 --- p.iii / Acknowledgments --- p.iv / Transiiteration and Translation --- p.vi / Table of Contents --- p.vii / List of Figures --- p.ix / Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter I. --- Background --- p.1 / Chapter II --- . Theoretical Framework --- p.6 / Chapter III --- . Significance --- p.15 / Chapter IV. --- Outline of Chapters --- p.16 / Chapter Chapter 2: --- Nation Building in the Post-Soviet Ukraine --- p.18 / Chapter I. --- Introduction --- p.18 / Chapter II. --- Ukraine: Historical Statelessness --- p.20 / Chapter III. --- The Cossack State --- p.30 / Chapter IV. --- Nation Building in Post-Soviet Ukraine --- p.35 / Chapter V. --- Conclusion --- p.46 / Chapter Chapter 3: --- "Gender, Nation and the cult of Berehvnia" --- p.47 / Chapter I. --- Introduction --- p.47 / Chapter II. --- Feminism and Nationalism: Historical Acquaintance --- p.49 / Chapter III. --- Revitalized Present Goal --- p.53 / Chapter IV. --- Berehynia: The Perfect Ukrainian Woman --- p.55 / Chapter V. --- Gendered National Duties --- p.61 / Chapter VI. --- Conclusion --- p.68 / Chapter Chapter 4: --- Women's Responses and Organizations --- p.69 / Chapter I. --- Introduction --- p.69 / Chapter II. --- "The Revival of the ""Ukrainian Matriarchal Culture""" --- p.70 / Chapter III. --- Women's Organizations and Their Responses --- p.73 / Chapter IV. --- Mass Media --- p.77 / Chapter V. --- Practical Reasons for Promoting Berehynia --- p.81 / Chapter VI. --- """Double Burden"" Still" --- p.88 / Chapter VII. --- "Gender, Nation and Post-colonialism" --- p.93 / Chapter VIII. --- Conclusion --- p.97 / Chapter Chapter 5: --- Conclusion --- p.100 / Chapter I. --- Women's National Duties --- p.100 / Chapter II. --- Suffering: Hope for a Better Future? --- p.102 / Appendix --- p.104 / Bibliography --- p.109

This dissertation is an investigation into the causes and consequences of ethnocentrism in Russia and Ukraine. It expands on the current literature in political science which has focused exclusively on data from the United States. By examining new countries, this work increases our knowledge about the characteristics of ethnocentrism and its effects. I also go beyond what has been done in previous work by examining ethnocentrism’s variable effects on different ethnic groups in a society. The dissertation is broken down into two parts. The first half, chapters one, two and three, look at the relationship between ethnocentrism and different ethnic groups. Using the ideas of William Sumner as a starting point, I investigate the differences in in-group and out-group attitudes across high-status and low-status ethnic groups using survey data from the United States, Russia and Ukraine. I also explore how group status influences individual levels of ethnocentrism. In chapters four and five I use ethnocentrism to help explain individual-level foreign policy attitudes and vote choice in Ukraine. Using survey data and multivariate logistic and linear regression models, I show that ethnocentrism has distinct effects on ethnic Russians and ethnic Ukrainians living in Ukraine and that these effects are substantively significant. Ethnocentric Russians in Ukraine are much more likely than ethnic Ukrainians or non-ethnocentric ethnic Russians to support integration with Russia, to support fighting terrorism and to oppose NATO membership. They were also significantly less likely to vote for Viktor Yushchenko during the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election.

Zugl.: Frankfurt (Oder), University, Diss., 2006.

<p>This thesis is a field study focusing on change in the agricultural landscape following Ukraine’s post-independence land reform, in which Soviet era collective and state farms were dissolved and the ownership of 30 million hectares of agricultural land was distributed to former collective farm workers. It is based on an eight-week field visit to the southern Ukrainian province of Kherson, during which time the author was able to interview 21 farmers and agricultural officials. Economists, anthropologists and even political scientists have examined post-independence Ukrainian agriculture, and more specifically discussed reasons for the widely-observed continuities between agriculture today and under the Soviet period, despite sweeping reforms. Despite the prominence of land reform as a research subject in landscape studies, there are few landscape treatments of Ukrainian agriculture in English.  The main purpose of this thesis then was to connect the empirical data I gathered in Kherson to landscape and political ecology perspectives in order to develop and explore a research problem dealing with Ukrainian agricultural continuity and change from a geographic perspective. The main conclusion is that a landscape perspective has much to contribute with respect to the debate on Ukrainian agriculture. Specifically, conceiving of the agricultural landscape as landesque capital – long-term land improvements tied to specific agricultural knowledge systems and organizational forms – helps to understand how a heavily capitalized landscape can exert an inertial impact on future developments, thereby (re)producing continuity.</p>

En utilisant le cas d’étude d’une grande ville ukrainienne, Odessa, multiculturelle et russo- phone, nous tâcherons de mettre en évidence la discordance entre les mesures politiques de «nation building » (et leur qualité) adoptées par le Parlement, leur renégociation et ap- plication au niveau local et la manière dont cela affecte l’identité de la population et la per- ception d’une « nation ukrainienne » dans la ville, de façon à nous concentrer sur l’impor- tance de l’attitude de la population dans un projet de «nation building ». A ce propos nous allons montrer le rôle de première importance joué par les Ukrainiens dans le projet de construction nationale entamé par les élites politiques après l’indépendance ukrainienne de 1991. L’expression « nation building » est souvent utilisée dans la littérature pour se ré- férer aux mesures politiques émises par le Parlement ; Par contre l’expression « construc- tion nationale » ou « construction de la nation » semble se prêter à plusieurs interpréta- tions et n’exclut pas la participation de la population au projet. Par exemple, tandis que le « nation building » est lié à des politiques mises en œuvre dans le cadre d’un État, si l’on parle d’une « construction nationale » on ne se réfère pas forcement à un État. C’est pour- quoi, au cours de cette thèse on gardera les deux expressions pour suggérer que l’expression construction nationale montre une attitude plus ouverte à observer les différentes in- teractions entre la population et les élites politiques.

Historically, Ukraine has been a net energy importer, needing oil and natural gas for the effective functioning of its industries and satisfaction of domestic needs. Ukraine's independence immediately followed the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991, resulting in its ultimate dependency on oil and natural gas imports from Russia. During the last few years, the parties had undergone a number of disagreements that led to the disruption of natural gas supply to Ukraine, and political instability within the country. The necessity to redevelop Ukraine's domestic energy industry and adjust it to an available domestic natural gas source became vitally important for the national government. The present project provides a summary of the Ukrainian energy policy dynamics from 2006-present time. It specifies current energy trends, renewable energy sources, alternatives, and provides recommendations for the Ukrainian government on how to integrate successful international experiences into the development of coalbed methane in the local environment. / McAnulty College and Graduate School of Liberal Arts; / Graduate Center for Social and Public Policy / MA; / Thesis;

Diss.--Halle--Institut für Agrarentwicklung in Mittel- und Osteuropa, 2004. / Bibliogr. p. 146-160.

Peace processes require an opening to self and others — a willingness to confront what is and to vision beyond present challenges to a brighter future. This type of engagement is crucial for the peaceful development of healthy, functioning societies — societies such as Ukraine, a country thrust without preparation from regional Soviet status to independent country searching for democracy. Eighteen years post-Independence the Ukrainian parliament continues to flounder unsupported by citizens. Active participation in civic affairs required for democracy is unfamiliar for most Ukrainian citizens, having internalized centuries of divisive oppression under a series of authoritarian regimes. Democracy-building and peace-building require participant agency and voice; rising out of oppression, people often need support to speak about and transform their lived experiences. This study, cognizant of the centrality of gender analysis in any context, explored the roles women’s shared narrative, dialogue, and group-visioning play in the support of personal empowerment and bridge building between diverse communities. The study invited women from the European Union-focused Western region of Lviv, Ukraine and the more Soviet/Russian-identified Eastern region of Crimea, first to share their personal stories with the researcher and second, to meet in their regional groups to vision for themselves, their families, and Ukraine. The third phase of this study invited these diverse regional groups to meet in a neutral space, reflexively exploring their parallel processes, while in phase four participants reviewed their experiences of the study. Despite initial beliefs that they have little in common, women in both regions said study participation changed them. They found telling their stories “from beginning to end” allowed them to reflect upon their own values and strengths, and having connected with themselves and their roots, they were then able to reach out to others. Rather than looking for differences, participants sought ways to express a shared vision for an inclusive, functional, peace-building future for themselves, their families, and Ukraine as a whole.