Cette thèse a pour objet d’interroger, au prisme du genre, des changements politiques et sociaux à l’œuvre dans les pays de l’ex-bloc soviétique, à l’exemple de l’Ukraine et du Bélarus. Elle analyse en particulier les modalités par lesquelles le politique construit le privé, et comment l’action publique fabrique les (in)égalités de genre. À cet effet, cette recherche s’intéresse aux instruments d’action publique dans le domaine des politiques familiales, de la lutte contre les violences faites aux femmes et à l’application des normes internationales d’égalité femmes-hommes, telles que le gender mainstreaming. Ce travail questionne également les mobilisations collectives hétérogènes qui politisent/dépolitisent la question des inégalités de genre, cherchant à influencer les décisions des autorités en la matière : des collectifs féministes, des organisations religieuses conservatrices, des associations de pères engagés pour un changement des normes de masculinité. Cette thèse démontre comment ces acteurs-trices « négocient » avec le pouvoir, notamment par le biais de l’enchevêtrement entre les ressources nationales et internationales dans la configuration des agendas et des répertoires d’actions. Au niveau microsociologique, à travers des entretiens réalisés avec des parents bénéficiaires des politiques publiques, cette thèse démontre la manière dont les processus politiques façonnent le privé et impactent les champs des possibles des femmes notamment. L’assignation du travail de care aux femmes limite leur autonomie financière, leur carrière professionnelle, leur temps libre, leur activité sociale et politique, contribuant ainsi à la construction du pouvoir « monosexué ». / This thesis investigates, from a gender perspective, political and social changes taking place in the countries of the former Soviet bloc, specifically in Ukraine and Belarus. In particular, it analyses the ways in which politics constructs the personal, and public actions create gender (in)equalities. To this end, this research is concerned with policy instruments in the area of family policy, in the prevention of violence against women and the application of international standards of gender equality, such as gender mainstreaming. In addition, this thesis studies heterogeneous collective initiatives which politicize/depoliticize the issue of gender inequalities in order to influence the decisions of relevant authorities: feminist groups, conservative religious organizations, and fathers’ organizations seeking to change norms of masculinity. This research shows how these organizations “negotiate” with those in power, in particular through the interplay of national and international resources in the configuration of agendas and repertoires of contention. At a microsociological level, through interviews carried out with parents who are recipients of public policy actions, this thesis demonstrates the way in which political processes influence the personal and reduce the range of options for women in particular. The assignment of care work to women limits their financial autonomy, professional career, spare time, and social and political activities, contributing consequently to a construction of a “single-sex” power.

This dissertation examines identity formation among evangelical Protestants in contemporary Ukraine. The overarching question is this: how do Ukrainian evangelicals view themselves and their churches in the context of Ukrainian regionalism, Ukrainian nationalism, and religious transnationalism? This question demands a closer look at Ukrainian regional variation, the status of Ukrainian national identity among evangelical practitioners, and the process of religious transnationalism, including how evangelicals perceive the West. This project is primarily based on qualitative research methods carried out over a ten month period. Field methods included participant observation, focus group interviews, and individual interviews. A set of maps produced by research subjects is also evaluated. In order to permit a regional comparison, case study churches were selected in four Ukrainian cities. Before beginning the field research it was hypothesized that Baptists, those evangelicals whose religious roots date to the nineteenth century and who survived the Soviet Union, would have different perspectives on many of the research questions than members of churches founded recently by American missionaries. To test this assumption, one Baptist church and one new evangelical church were selected in each of the four cities. Among Ukrainian evangelicals, regionalism is closely related to language preference and to notions of national identity. Members of churches in Lviv are strong supporters of Ukrainian-only language practices; members of churches in other parts of the country identify themselves as Russian speakers who dislike the exclusive language policies in western Ukraine. Study participants generally rejected a Ukrainian nationalism that was connected to religion, although members of new Protestant churches incorporated aspects of civic nationalism into their religious practice. In terms of their participation in a transnational religious network, all churches (both older Baptist and newer evangelical) were highly integrated with people, ideas, and money from the West. However, evangelicals views towards the West and their own identities as transnational actors were correlated to church type. Members of older Baptist churches were much more critical of Western churches and missionaries than were members of new evangelical congregations.

Since the Austro-Hungarian and Tsarist eras, men’s intoxication has been deemed ‘masculine’ and women’s sobriety ‘feminine’ in western Ukraine; however, these ideologies are being rewritten to fit the new, post-socialist environment and to underscore a divergence from the Soviet past. While men are judged based on their ability to function after imbibing copious amounts of alcohol, women are explicitly expected to embody two stereotypes: the ‘Berehynia’ (a recently reformulated goddess of family and nation) and the ‘Barbie’ (a more globally-informed image). Digression from the ‘Barbie’ model is used as evidence to render public diagnoses of addiction, while the ‘Berehynia’ model underscores the sentiment that “we are not allowed to be weak.” Women are expected to be stronger than men; indeed, women are widely regarded as the carriers of morality. While men’s addiction is often met with sympathy – and linked to a presumed, inherent inability to cope with social, political and economic upheaval – addicted women are deemed to have consciously abandoned their femininity, their families, and their nation. These ideologies deeply affect the experiences of addicted people. In particular, women’s addiction is severely stigmatized, and they are extremely reluctant to “confess” and seek treatment. Based upon 14 months of ethnographic fieldwork, this thesis explores the gendered conceptualizations of ‘moral’ and ‘immoral’ that are being formulated with respect to drinking and addiction, and how these concepts inform the variety of addiction treatments that are available. In so doing, this analysis illuminates what is at stake for both the stigmatizers and stigmatized, and more specifically, the multiple ways that gender, drinking, and addiction have become implicated in constructions of the Ukrainian nation and state.

Since the Austro-Hungarian and Tsarist eras, men’s intoxication has been deemed ‘masculine’ and women’s sobriety ‘feminine’ in western Ukraine; however, these ideologies are being rewritten to fit the new, post-socialist environment and to underscore a divergence from the Soviet past. While men are judged based on their ability to function after imbibing copious amounts of alcohol, women are explicitly expected to embody two stereotypes: the ‘Berehynia’ (a recently reformulated goddess of family and nation) and the ‘Barbie’ (a more globally-informed image). Digression from the ‘Barbie’ model is used as evidence to render public diagnoses of addiction, while the ‘Berehynia’ model underscores the sentiment that “we are not allowed to be weak.” Women are expected to be stronger than men; indeed, women are widely regarded as the carriers of morality. While men’s addiction is often met with sympathy – and linked to a presumed, inherent inability to cope with social, political and economic upheaval – addicted women are deemed to have consciously abandoned their femininity, their families, and their nation. These ideologies deeply affect the experiences of addicted people. In particular, women’s addiction is severely stigmatized, and they are extremely reluctant to “confess” and seek treatment. Based upon 14 months of ethnographic fieldwork, this thesis explores the gendered conceptualizations of ‘moral’ and ‘immoral’ that are being formulated with respect to drinking and addiction, and how these concepts inform the variety of addiction treatments that are available. In so doing, this analysis illuminates what is at stake for both the stigmatizers and stigmatized, and more specifically, the multiple ways that gender, drinking, and addiction have become implicated in constructions of the Ukrainian nation and state.

Das Mitte der 90er Jahre im KKW Saporoshje als Pilotprojekt für den 5. Block eingerichtete System zur verbesserten betrieblichen Überwachung wurde auf alle 6 Blöcke erweitert und mittels moderner Kommunikationstechnik an das Informations- und Krisenzentrum der ukrainischen Aufsichtsbehörde in Kiew angeschlossen. Die zur Komplettierung des Rechnernetzes am Standort benötigten aktiven Komponenten wurden einvernehmlich spezifiziert, in Deutschland beschafft, im notwendigen Umfang erprobt, in die Ukraine überführt und dem Partner am Einsatzort unentgeltlich überlassen. Nach der entsprechenden Erweiterung der Software für die Informationsverarbeitung, -übertragung und -bewertung können von jedem der sechs WWER-1000 Blöcke 159 sicherheitsrelevante betriebliche und 25 radiologische Messwerte kontinuierlich erfasst, vor Ort in Form von Tabellen, Grafiken und Schemata online dargestellt und bewertet sowie nach Kiew übertragen werden. Damit steht im Informations- und Krisenzentrum in Kiew der gleiche Informationsumfang für Überwachungszwecke zur Verfügung.

Dissertation--Halle (Saale)--Institut für Agrarentwicklung in Mittel- und Osteuropa (IMAO), 2004. / Bibliogr. p. 165-174.

No description available.

Between 1900 and 1939 the Greek-Catholic parish clergy in Galicia underwent a transformation of its social, national, political and cultural consciousness. In part this was the result of the political changes taking place in the province, as its Ruthenian population developed a Ukrainian national consciousness expressed during the interregnum between Austrian and Polish rule by the creation of the Western Ukrainian Popular Republic, and later, in the increasingly restrictive atmosphere of inter-war Poland, by the activity of both moderate and radical nationalist groups. In part this transformation was conditioned by the decline of the priestly caste and the rise of a new type of priest, usually a celibate of village origin. The transformation was also the result of a conscious programme initiated by Metropolitan Andrei Sheptyts'kyi to raise the moral and educational level of the clergy. To this end he reformed the L'viv seminary, established a theological academy, and organised full seminaries in Stanyslaviv and Peremyshl'. This prepared the parish priest to deal with a growingly nationalistic and often anti-clerical intelligentsia, and a village coming increasingly under its influence. At the same time, the parish clergy evolved a new sense of its identity, gradually abandoning the Russophile orientation of the Old Ruthenians and adopting first Ruthenian populism, then Ukrainian nationalism. Thus they found common cause with the secular intelligentsia. However, the Ukrainian orientation forced them to redefine the Eastern Ukrainian tradition in a manner compatible with Catholicism, and to formulate their stance towards Orthodoxy and the Kievan Byzantine tradition. Though split between Byzantinists and Westernisers, the clergy developed a strong sense of their place as leaders of Galician Ukrainian society, albeit in occasional competition with the nationalist intelligentsia, and of their mission as bearers of Catholicism in the East.

Zugl.: Diplomarbeit

Zugl.: Köln, Univ., Diss., 2007/2008