Ukraine, just as many other countries that were part of the former Soviet Union, is suffering from the problem of bribery. The public relations field in Ukraine is not immune to corruption, and bribery between public relations professionals and journalists is a well-known phenomenon. In the current qualitative study, the goal was to explore the attitudes of Ukrainian public relations professionals toward bribery and to create a guide for doing business in Ukraine. Through a semistructured survey, the researcher obtained the perceptions of Ukrainian public relations professionals toward bribery, including the definition of bribery, the differentiation between bribery and traditional gift giving in Ukrainian culture, assumptions regarding the situations in which bribery occurs, and the magnitude of the problem in Ukrainian society. The analysis of the responses showed a dual nature in the public relations professionals' attitudes toward bribery. The participants defined bribery as a negative action; however, they believed that bribery occurs regularly even though the participants indicated they had not personally participated in bribery transactions. The participants also reported that bribery occurs between public relations firms and clients. The participants also shared some positive attitudes toward bribery, indicating bribery is a method of achieving goals in business. Additionally, the participants indicated bribery is more common in smaller cities than in large cities, such as the capital. The findings of the study indicate that public relations education and professional training need to include an emphasis on ethical behavior, ensuring public relations professionals in Ukraine have a better understanding of the importance of ethics in the public relations profession.

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In November 2013, Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych suddenly reversed an ongoing process toward Ukrainian membership European Union in favor of strengthening economic ties with Russia. His action triggered mass demonstrations in Kiev's Maidan Square and eventually resulted in his removal from office. Yanukovych's opposition in the government solidified the regime change by assuming interim control of the government. Their supporters, composed mostly of ethnic Ukrainians from the Central and Western oblasts, became known as the Maidan movement. In response, separatist movements formed in the Southern and Eastern Ukrainian oblasts of Donetsk, Luhansk, Crimea and Kharkiv. Following Russia's annexation of Crimea, separatist leaders in Donetsk and Luhansk united to form the self-proclaimed Novorossiya (New Russia) Union. This thesis used a grounded-theory approach to identify culturally charged framing devices within Maidan and Novorossiya Union discourse. This paper found that the framing devices of Maidan and Novorossiya invoked Ukrainian and Russian belief systems. Analysis of elite cultural discourse demonstrated that Russian and Ukrainian beliefs and attitudes manifested as thematic concepts, which identified problems, suggest solutions and motivate action. Thus, the frame existed within the culture of Ukrainian and Russian interpretive communities. Framing devices and labels used by Novorossiya and Maidan aligned positions regarding the future of Ukraine with such systems of beliefs. / Master of Arts

Unter anderem erfuhr W. A. Mozart, sowohl seine Person mit einer geheimnisvoll-spannenden Lebensgeschichte als auch sein reiches Schaffen, eine vielfältige, oft unerwartete und interessante Rezeption in fast allen Nationalkulturen und Epochen. Auch in den slawischen Ländern war seine Musik populär und fand großen Anklang. In der Ukraine, besonders in deren westlichen Gebieten, welche damals zu Österreich gehörten, in Galizien und der Bukowyna sowie auf hinterkarpatischem Boden, waren die Fachmusiker sowie breite Kreise der Intelligenz immer von der Musik Mozarts begeistert.

Le déclenchement de la Grande Guerre change l’équilibre politique mondial, y compris en Europe centrale et orientale. L’écroulement des empires russe et austro-hongrois favorise la naissance des nouveaux États-nations, en particulier de l’Ukraine. Le jeune pays, tiraillé pendant quelques siècles, apparaît sur les décombres de deux puissances. Le nouveau régime s’oppose alors à des adversaires puissants : l’Armée Volontaire et l’Armée Rouge. Les décisionnaires du Gouvernement Provisoire russe, présidé par Alexandre Kerenskij et les bolcheviks, conduits par Vladimir Lénine, se prononcent défavorablement à la construction de l’État ukrainien indépendant et veulent le conserver sous la tutelle russe. Dans ces conditions, l’Ukraine sollicite l’appui des puissances étrangères pour lutter contre ses ennemis intérieurs. Les dignitaires ukrainiens demandent le concours militaire de deux camps belligérants : des Alliés et des Empires Centraux. En France, il y a deux groupes politiques. Le premier est favorable à la reconstruction de la Russie seule et indivisible. Ses représentants estiment que les pays soumis au pouvoir russe doivent lutter avec la Russie et les Alliés contre les Puissances Centrales. Il faut ainsi reconnaître le droit de ces pays à l’auto-détérmination. Le regroupement des forces militaires repose sur le principe des nationalités. La seconde tendance présentée par Jean Pélissier privilégie la lutte avec la jeune Ukraine contre le bolchévisme et ne considérait pas le mouvement ukrainien comme germanophile. Au début du XXième siècle, les camps politiques des Puissances Centrales et des pays de l’Entente jouent la carte ukrainienne pour atteindre leurs buts dans la Première Guerre Mondiale. / The I World War’s bursting changes the political balance in the central and oriental Europe. The collapse of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires favours new state-nations’ birth, in particulary the one of Ukraine. The young country torn during some centuries appears on two empires’ ruins. The new Ukrainian government confronts powerful opponents: the Volunteer Army and the Red Army. On the Ukrainian politicians’ mind, Provisional Government’s politics contrary to the principle of self-determination of nations. The Russian Provisory Government’s leaders headed by Alexander Kerensky and Bolsheviks headed by Vladimir Lenin protest against the Ukrainian independent state’s constitution. Their aim consists to conserve Ukraine under the Russian guardianship. In these conditions, Ukraine is searching for the military assistance of two adverse warring camps: those of Allied nations and Central Powers. There are two political tendencies in France. Some dignitaries consider that former Russian colonies should fight with Allied countries and Russia against Central Powers. This group of politicians is favorable to the reconstruction of the one and indivisible Russian empire. Military forces’ gathering is based on the self-determination principle. Their aim is to create a permanent body to promote the cause of national self-determination. The second tendency represented by Jean Pélissier privileged the fight against bolshevist forces with the young Ukrainian country. This political camp didn’t consider Ukrainian politicians to be germanophile. At the beginning of the XX th century, two adversary camps: those of Central Powers and Allied countries use the Ukrainian political asset to achieve their aims during the First World War.

Since spring 2014, an armed conflict has been taking place in the eastern part of Ukraine between the Pro-Russian separatists and the Ukrainian state. As a result of this armed conflict, there was a stream of forced migration. The statistics speak up to about 1.7 million people internally displaced and about a hundred other hundreds of people seeking international protection abroad. Of those seeking international protection, more than 200,000 have been granted temporary asylum in Russia. This thesis examines the impact of the Ukrainian armed conflict on the mobility of these displaced persons. The first way to study the impact of a selected conflict on population mobility is quantitative data analysis. In this analysis are compared the data on conflict intensity with data on internal migration in Ukraine and international migration to the states Russia, Poland and Czechia. The second way this diploma thesis examines the impact of the conflict on population mobility is based on the research of ten Ukrainians who left for Czechia from conflict areas and whose primary reason was the military conflict. The results show that there are links between the intensity of the military conflict and the migration strategy of the people of Eastern Ukraine.

This thesis examines two neighborhood emergency preparedness programs: the Linn-Benton Neighborhood Emergency Training (LB NET) program in Corvallis, Oregon, U.S.A., and the Women's Neighborhood Networking Program (WNNP) in Uzhhorod, Ukraine. In Corvallis, the LB NET began in 1996, in part out of concerns that in a large disaster the local emergency agencies would not be able to provide immediate service to all disaster victims. The program encourages the residents in neighborhoods to work together to become better prepared for natural or other disasters, and to be self-sufficient for 72 hours following an event. For this study I interviewed the organizers of 14 neighborhoods between October 2001 and February 2003. Oregon State University Office of International Research and Development used the LB NET as a model to develop a project in Uzhhorod funded by U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs. The WNNP was funded for one year beginning in July 2000, with a one-year extension. The project included four trips from the U.S. to Uzhhorod: to conduct a needs assessment, participant selection and initial training; two consulting/mentoring trips; and for the project finale in April 2002. All project participants and two Ukrainian coordinators traveled to Corvallis for three weeks training in April 2001. For this study the WNNP participants were interviewed in Corvallis in April 2001 and in Uzhhorod in April 2002. This thesis examines how the Uzhhorod program evolved from the Corvallis program, and similarities and differences between the WNNP participants and the LB NET organizers, including neighborhood demographics, and organizer motivation, volunteer activities and social networks. In the conclusions section, I discuss environments where each program might be successfully duplicated. / Graduation date: 2004

This study, which utilized a mixed methods approach, is the first research study in Ukraine which explored the experiences of parents raising deaf or hard of hearing children. The outcome of the study includes a documented analysis and synthesis of the perceptions held by Ukrainian-hearing parents raising young deaf or hard of hearing children regarding the emotional and communicational impact of the diagnosis on their family functioning, their perceptions of existing services and/or programs, and their perceptions of the relationships with professionals. Three hundred and twenty-five families whose young children were enrolled in grade 0/1 in 48 residential schools for children with hearing loss across the country were sampled in a survey of the study and 17 families from among this number volunteered for follow-up interviews. The emotional impact of the diagnosis on the parents and other family members as well as such factors as communication mode, availability and accessibility of professional services, access to information on deafness, and educational choices were explored along with demographic and other characteristics. Parental thoughts and views in this study were consistent with international perspectives of parents that are documented in the literature: the need for informational support, guidelines and communication options for families were seen to be key factors. The responses of the participants of this study confirmed that greater access to educational options, support for overcoming stress and improving emotional well-being, as well as support for families in establishing healthy family interactions and empowering parents were among their most important requirements. Additionally, the findings of this study, stress the importance of focusing on family resources and family appraisal as key factors in the hearing family adaptation process to having children who are deaf or hard of hearing. / Special Education

Seit 2004 versucht die EU mit der Europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik demokratische Werte in ihre Nachbarländer zu exportieren. Adressaten sind Länder der Mittelmeerunion und Länder des postsozialistischen Europa, die in der Östlichen Partnerschaft zusammengefasst sind. Als außenpolitisches Instrument bietet die Nachbarschaftspolitik eine Alternative zur Erweiterungspolitik. In erster Linie sollen negative Entwicklungen wie illegale Migration, organisierte Kriminalität, grenzübergreifende Umweltzerstörungen und ethnische Konflikte abgewehrt werden. Die Studie analysiert Externalisierung, Sozialisierung und Imitation als Mechanismen des Europäisierungsprozesses und untersucht im Rahmen einer empirischen Prozessanalyse am Beispiel der Ukraine, welche der von der Europäischen Union angewandten Mechanismen den größten Erfolg für eine Normenadaption bedeuten.

Texte remanié de: Dissertation--Fachbereich Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaften--Berlin--Freie Universität, 2001. / Bibliogr. p. 389-400.