Esta dissertação de mestrado trata a respeito da organização no local de trabalho, por meio de um estudo do caso da Comissão de Fábrica dos Trabalhadores na planta da Ford de São Bernardo do Campo. Com base em entrevistas com dirigentes e ex-dirigentes da Comissão e em documentos produzidos pelo sindicato da categoria e a própria representação no local de trabalho, procura-se recuperar as transformações institucionais e no padrão de ação dessa instância representativa desde a sua fundação. Levando-se em conta as mudanças no mundo do trabalho nas últimas décadas, a discussão se encaminha para as estratégias laborais para lidar com os novos desafios impostos pela globalização. Ao final, discorre-se a respeito da nova lei trabalhista, que obriga a criação de comissões de empresa em todos os locais de trabalho com mais de 200 funcionários. Conclui-se que a nova lei, por alijar os sindicatos do processo eleitoral dessas novas comissões, representa uma derrota para as pretensões de alastramento do modelo construído no ABC, podendo levar a um modelo paternalista de representação dos trabalhadores. / This masters theses delas with the organization in the workplace, through a case study of the Works Council at the Fords factory in São Bernardo do Campo. Based on interviews with unionists and former unionists as well as on documents produced by the Metalworkers Union and the Works Council itself, the aim is to deal with institutional transformations and the pattern of action of this representative body since its foundation. Taking into account the changes in the world of work in the last decades, it is discussed the labour strategies to deal with the new challenges imposed by globalization. At the end, the new labour law, which requires the creation of Works Councils in all workplaces with more than 200 employees, is discussed. It is concluded that the new law, by eliminating the unions from the electoral process of these new councils, represents a defeat for the pretensions of spreading the model built in the ABC, and can lead to a paternalistic model of workers representation.

Esta dissertação de mestrado trata a respeito da organização no local de trabalho, por meio de um estudo do caso da Comissão de Fábrica dos Trabalhadores na planta da Ford de São Bernardo do Campo. Com base em entrevistas com dirigentes e ex-dirigentes da Comissão e em documentos produzidos pelo sindicato da categoria e a própria representação no local de trabalho, procura-se recuperar as transformações institucionais e no padrão de ação dessa instância representativa desde a sua fundação. Levando-se em conta as mudanças no mundo do trabalho nas últimas décadas, a discussão se encaminha para as estratégias laborais para lidar com os novos desafios impostos pela globalização. Ao final, discorre-se a respeito da nova lei trabalhista, que obriga a criação de comissões de empresa em todos os locais de trabalho com mais de 200 funcionários. Conclui-se que a nova lei, por alijar os sindicatos do processo eleitoral dessas novas comissões, representa uma derrota para as pretensões de alastramento do modelo construído no ABC, podendo levar a um modelo paternalista de representação dos trabalhadores. / This masters theses delas with the organization in the workplace, through a case study of the Works Council at the Fords factory in São Bernardo do Campo. Based on interviews with unionists and former unionists as well as on documents produced by the Metalworkers Union and the Works Council itself, the aim is to deal with institutional transformations and the pattern of action of this representative body since its foundation. Taking into account the changes in the world of work in the last decades, it is discussed the labour strategies to deal with the new challenges imposed by globalization. At the end, the new labour law, which requires the creation of Works Councils in all workplaces with more than 200 employees, is discussed. It is concluded that the new law, by eliminating the unions from the electoral process of these new councils, represents a defeat for the pretensions of spreading the model built in the ABC, and can lead to a paternalistic model of workers representation.

Each year, Protestant organizations in Northern Ireland perform over 2,500 ritual parades to celebrate and commemorate their culture. Many Catholics, however, see parades as triumphalist and hateful. As a result, parades undermine the political peace process and grassroots peace-building by raising interethnic tension and precipitating riots, including significant violence in recent years. This dissertation asks: Why do people participate in these parades? To answer this question, I consider loyalist parading as an example of contentious ritual--symbolic action that makes contested political claims. To understand these parades as ritual actions, I build on two central insights from religious studies, sociology, and anthropology. First, as meaningful and shared practices, rituals provide participants with benefits that are intrinsic to participating in the act itself and do not depend on the achievement of some external outcome. Second, rituals are multi-vocal, meaning that interpretations of the action can vary across actors. Participants need not share the interpretation of their actions held by organizers, rivals, or outside observers. Participants, therefore, may not see the ritual as provocative, aggressive, or even contentious. These arguments stand in contrast to traditional explanations for collective action and ethnic conflict that theorize participation in ethnically polarizing events in terms of the achievement of concrete outcomes, such as selective material benefits, provoking the out-group into overreacting, or intimidating them into quiescence. To test my argument, I conducted fieldwork in Belfast, Northern Ireland. I developed and implemented a household survey to measure mass-level opinion, designed and ran an online survey of all Protestant clergy and elected officials in Northern Ireland to measure elite-level opinion, conducted over 80 semi-structured interviews with parade participants and nonparticipants, and observed dozens of hours of parades and related events. I demonstrate that, as expected by my argument, people approach participation in ritual parades as an end in and of itself. The evidence demonstrates that participants do not view parades instrumentally. This means that people make decisions to participate in contentious behavior without consideration of their actions' profoundly political consequences. The ritual nature of parades severs the expected connection between means (participation) and ends (political consequences), thus creating the environment for sustained conflict. Furthermore, the predictions of influential theories of ethnic conflict--extreme in-group identification or out-group antipathy--and collective action--selective material benefits or sanctions--are not supported by the data.

This dissertation examines Scottish unionist political thought and intellectual history in the period from 1885-1886 to 1965. It provides an analytical examination of unionist positions examining such areas as political history, ecclesiology, sectarianism, historiography and unionist-nationalist sentiment. It contextualises unionist thought within Scotland's history and offers findings based on both archival and primary sources research along with a thorough background of historiography. It both contextualises and examines the complexities of Scottish unionism during this vital period between the Liberal Party's split over Irish Home Rule until the reorganisation of the Scottish Unionist Party in 1965. It illuminates the spectrum of unionist discourse during this period and demonstrates the complexities of Scotland's constitutional and cultural relationship with the rest of the United Kingdom.

Most histories and reports of Mount Morgan concentrate on the mining experience and financial achievements of the first Company rather than the mining town. This dissertation presents a social history of Mount Morgan that addresses the establishment, rise and fall of the town during the period of the first syndicate and succeeding company, 1883-1927. The thesis contends that the transformation of the landscape was to industrial, urban space where the working-class attitudes of miners and others defined a town character, despite the aspiration of many to social status through private enterprise and public influence. Further, the scope of research encompassed local involvement in colonial and state politics, and the presence of local government authority, law courts and press that placed an urban stamp on the town. Issues discussed also relate to geographic, climatic and single company influences that caused the difference between Mount Morgan and other mining towns that did not survive. The traditional perception of mining town impermanence was contradicted at Mount Morgan, where town and suburban communities were witness to a range of collective support in religious adherence, benefit associations, fraternalism and ritual, leisure, sport, education, and social cohesion in times of mining disaster. Moreover, despite increasing familial connections, antagonistic attitudes prevailed between the defensively parochial town of Mount Morgan and the nearby regional centre of Rockhampton. The rise of unionism at Mount Morgan challenged an apathetic working-class population to workplace solidarity in reaction to the Company's long established, almost feudal control of the town as well as the mine. It is argued that, despite a decade of failing ore markets and soaring production costs at the mine, the attitudes and actions of a union dominated workforce were paramount in decline of the town and ultimate closure of the mine. Mount Morgan survived the exodus of thousands of residents. A defiant place, the town exhibited a pride bolstered by the perpetuation of myths that presented a public image shielded from the life-long realities of economic and social adversity.

Sport, once an amateur pursuit has evolved in to a lucrative industry. The most recent development in the evolution of Australian sport has been the emergence of industrial regulation. Unlike other Australian labour markets, the sports administrators labour market was entirely market regulated until 1994. Over the last five years the sports administrators labour market has transformed into a centralised award based system. On the surface it appears that there is no obvious explanation for the dramatic re-regulation of this labour market. In order to determine the factors behind the re-regulation, this thesis investigated Australian sports administrators attitudes to unionism, awards and enterprise bargaining, including their preferences to awards and enterprise bargaining agreements. The attitudes of 229 Australian sports administrators were surveyed. The response rate was 67.25%. Findings from the survey indicated a number of points: (1) union membership predicted 8% of their attitude to unionism, (2) non union members were more likely to have positive and accepting attitudes to unions, (3) sports administrators working under Enterprise Bargaining agreements had more positive and accepting attitudes of unions, (4) Enterprise Bargaining was considered to be more beneficial than not in sport, (5) Enterprise Bargaining had more than double the support of Award regulation, and (6)Award regulation had almost equal amounts of rejection and support. Other results indicated that the sports administrators labour market remained market regulated until 1994 because a majority of sports administrators belonged to demographic groups which were less inclined to become union members. Factors behind the reregulation were determined to be: strong support for targeted services within workplaces rather than generic services across an industry, and strong support for increased union interaction when negotiating terms and conditions of employment which effects sports administrators' attitudes to unionism. It was evident that the re-regulation was not caused by a large shift in the attitudes of sports administrators or a result of problems stemming from the market being entirely by market regulation. It is more than likely that the sudden re-regulation of the sports administrators labour market was the sports industry's first step towards industrial maturity.

Abstract: The aim of this study is to investigate the attitudes towards the labour movement’s strategies, goals and organisational issues in Swedish Miners’ Union’s (Gruvindustriarbetareförbundet, hereafter Gruv) paper, Gruvarbetaren 1917-1925. The theoretical starting point is Engels’ view on the class state. This perspective turns the question of socialism and the way to get there into an issue of working class power over the state. Another theoretical perspective is the partition of the labour movement into a trade-unionistic branch, seeing unions as financial organisations of interest, and a pro-state one, considering unions as political organisations. During the period investigated Gruvarbetaren was quite radical and advocated a firm class struggle strategy towards employers. Since these were considered unreliable, class struggle was seen as the only way to better the conditions for the working class. The solution to the workers’ problems was by the paper considered to be socialism. In accordance with Engels’ view the working class would have to attain power over the state in order to reach that goal due to the class oppressive nature of the capitalist state. This power should preferably be conquered by way of revolution where the capitalist state was remodelled into a socialist one rather than through reforms. In this process the trade unions should take an active, political, part according to the paper and thus it can be placed in the pro-state branch of the labour movement. Especially during the years around 1920 it was clear that Gruvarbetaren wanted unions to develop into revolutionary organisations.

Labor geographers have identified multiple strategies through which workers assert their demands in an era of global production networks. In this thesis I examine the strategic organizational actions of the Coalition of Immokalee Workers (CIW), a community-based organization representing immigrant farm-workers in southwestern Florida. Central to the successes of the CIW is its strategy to organize and embed its agency in civil society. Social actors have proved to be of vital importance as they enabled the CIW to position itself strategically in important locations of the production network to contest capitalist geographies more effectively. Using qualitative analysis of in-depth interviews with representatives of churches, religious-community organizations, and interfaith non-profits working with the CIW, I argue that the CIW‘s strategies theoretically expands our understanding of labor agency and how spatiality, and specifically place, shapes the potential for workers‘ agency.

This thesis explores, from a labour perspective, the relationships between labour and environmental activists: relationships that were created following decades of conflict and resolution of environmental issues. Flowing from the question `What can be learned from labour leaders' experiences of building relationships with environmental activists?' I utilized the stories of those who were actively involved during and after the `war in the woods' period. This case study used an institutional ethnographic approach to determine how and why the conflict occurred. I argue that while the personal qualities of leadership are essential, they are not sufficient for relationship building. Labour leaders also need to prepare the ground inside individual unions to facilitate authentic external relationships that can turn into lasting political change. The final discussion turns to exploring unions as systems, leadership in unions, and reflecting on how labour leaders ready their unions to work effectively with coalition partners.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, 1923. / Church union in Canada: its history, motives, doctrine and government. "The dissertation comprises chapters I-IV of this volume." Includes bibliographical references (p. 398-402) and index.