NOGUEIRA, Carlos Antônio Ferreira. Política e Sindicalismo Rural: considerações sobre ajudas, liberação de voto, tempo e trocas de apoio na Terra Onde os Pássaros Cantam. 2016. 131f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza (CE), 2016. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-04-25T13:08:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_dis_cafnogueira.pdf: 1449785 bytes, checksum: 530b069748235a920a1c9bec7ad365f4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-04-26T14:50:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_dis_cafnogueira.pdf: 1449785 bytes, checksum: 530b069748235a920a1c9bec7ad365f4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:50:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_dis_cafnogueira.pdf: 1449785 bytes, checksum: 530b069748235a920a1c9bec7ad365f4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016 / This paper tried to analyze the representations, perceptions and definitions about the political and rural union practices in a small town in the state of Ceará, Aracoiaba. I developed the research from taking some native categories used to classify the relationship between politicians, voters, union members and associates. I performed this work under the native researcher condition, looking also discuss this, since I find myself, somehow implicated in the midst of local relations. In the survey, I could see a place permeated times, both in politics and in the union, which are often associated with activities marking certain practices. Also I tried to map the places moral and analyze reputations as a way to introduce the municipality, but also to show the interrelationship between rural and urban. Finally, I tried to make analyzes of the notions of "help" and "free to vote." I realized that they help to understand the politics and trade unionism beyond the classical conception of patronage, which also brings with it a normative dimension, does not capture the meanings present around certain practices, relationships and exchanges of political and union support that happen in different "times", showing the complexity that permeates the adhesions and the possibility of unification of the vote in political groups. / Neste trabalho procurei analisar as representações, as percepções e as definições acerca das práticas de políticos e de sindicalistas rurais em um pequeno município do interior do Estado do Ceará, Aracoiaba. Desenvolvi a pesquisa a partir do exame de algumas categorias nativas utilizadas para classificar as relações entre políticos, eleitores, sindicalistas e associados. Realizei este trabalho sob a condição de pesquisador nativo, procurando também discutir essa situação, uma vez que me encontro, de algum modo, implicado em meio às relações locais. Na pesquisa, pude perceber um lugar permeado de tempos, tanto na política como no sindicato, que são frequentemente associados a atividades, marcando certas práticas. Também procurei mapear os lugares morais e analisar reputações como forma de apresentar o município, mas também para mostrar a inter-relação entre o rural e o urbano. Por fim, busquei realizar análises sobre as noções de “ajuda” e “liberado para votar”. Pude perceber que elas ajudam a compreender a política e o sindicalismo para além da concepção clássica do clientelismo, que além de trazer consigo uma dimensão normativa, não capta os significados presentes em torno de certas práticas, relações e trocas de apoio político-sindicais que acontecem em diferentes “tempos”, mostrando a complexidade que permeia as adesões e a possibilidade de unificação do voto nos grupos políticos.

Orientador: Paulo Eduardo de Andrade Baltar / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T23:09:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santos_MoysesMoreira_M.pdf: 2798952 bytes, checksum: 9e4b0114547ed93706c06d2d05e00251 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Esta dissertação estabelece uma relação entre as transformações no perfil dos ocupados em transporte rodoviário de carga, a partir da década de 1990, com as organizações de representação de interesses trabalhistas, se propondo em responder se o movimento sindical neste segmento acompanhou as principais mudanças no mercado de trabalho, principalmente após mudanças de gestão, ou seja, a logística como estratégia empresarial. A importância do rodoviário de carga se dá porque ele é o principal meio de distribuição de mercadorias no país, transportando mais de 60% de toda a riqueza que circula. O motorista é a profissão mais importante no transporte brasileiro, por conta disso é o personagem central em nossa análise, as condições de trabalho e remuneração destes trabalhadores apresentam diferenças importantes no interior das estratégias das empresas com objetivo de auferir lucro. Estas utilizam trabalhadores terceirizados e empregados ao mesmo tempo, dependendo da conjuntura econômica e da sazonalidade dos produtos deslocados, construindo um mercado de trabalho extremamente flexível. O nosso ponto de vista é que apesar dos esforços realizados pelos sindicatos, tanto dos autônomos como o dos empregados, estes não conseguiram acompanhar as transformações macroeconômicas e alterações no perfil dos trabalhadores, situação agravada por disputas de representação / Abstract: This thesis establishes a relationship between the changes in the profile of the busy road in the loading, from the 1990s, with organizations representing the interests of labor, is proposing to respond if the union movement in this segment followed the main changes in the market the work, especially after a change of management, that is, logistics and business strategy. The importance of road freight is because it is the main means of distribution of goods in the country, carrying more than 60% of all the wealth that circulates. The driver is the most important profession in the transport Brazil, on account of this is the central character in our analysis, the working conditions and pay of those workers have major differences within the strategies of companies with the aim of obtaining profit. These use outsourced workers and employees at the same time, depending on the economic climate and the seasonality of the products displaced, building a labor market extremely flexible. Our view is that despite the efforts made by the trade unions of both the standalone as employees, they failed to monitor the changes and macroeconomic changes in the profile of workers, a situation aggravated by disputes of representation / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

Orientador: Ricado Antunes / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T21:33:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelino_PaulaReginaPereira_D.pdf: 3269189 bytes, checksum: 2c3335254a15148b8f41aa80a6525e52 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: O leitor encontrará nesta tese uma discussão sobre a particularidade da terceirização no Brasil e suas influências sobre ação sindical. O objetivo da pesquisa é entender como se estrutura a atuação do sindicalismo diante do que consideramos o mais importante instrumento da reestruturação do capital no país a partir da experiência de dois sindicatos de Campinas (SP), Sinticom e SEAAC, em duas categorias por eles representadas: trabalhadores terceirizados dentro da Replan e trabalhadores contratados pela Funcamp, respectivamente. Os resultados da pesquisa nos apontam que a terceirização impõe limites à ação dos sindicatos em virtude da precarização das condições de trabalho e da fragmentação das categorias. Entretanto, limite não significa obstáculo intransponível. Assim, váriosoutros elementos convergem para uma determinada forma de ação: o papel das lideranças sindicais, a história de luta das bases, a estrutura sindical, o contexto econômico, político e social, as escolhas táticas e estratégicas de cada sindicato, entre outros. Tais elementos resultam numa ação combativa e mobilizadora por parte do Sinticom e de conciliação de classes e quase sem a participação dos trabalhadores no caso do SEAAC. Essa pesquisa foi realizada através de leitura de bibliografia pertinente ao tema, de consulta à documentação sindical e de entrevistas com roteiro de questões semi-dirigidas para trabalhadores (32), sindicalistas (9), pesquisadores (2), advogado (1) e diretor de empresa (1) / Abstract: The reader will find in this thesis a discussion about the particularity of outsourcing in Brazil and its influences over Trade Union action. The objective of the research is to comprehend how the action of the trade unionism structures itself before of what we consider the most important instrument of restructuration of capital in the country, based upon the experience of two trade unions of Campinas (SP), Sinticom and SEAAC, in two categories by them represented: workers outsourced inside Replan and workers hired by Funcamp, respectively. The results of the research indicates that outsourcing imposes limits to the action of the trade unions due to the causalization of work conditions and the fragmentation of the categories. However, limit does not mean unsurmountable obstacle. Therefore, several others elements converge to a determined form of action: the paper of union leaderships, the history of fight of the bases, the union structure, the social, political, and economic context, the strategic and tactical choices of each union, among others. Such elements result in a militant and mobilizing action on part of the Sinticom and in a reconciliation of classes, barely with the participation of the workers, in case of the SEAAC. That research was done out through reading of bibliography concerning the subject, consultation to the union documentation and interviews with script of semi-directive questions driven for workers (32), trade unionists (9), researchers (2), lawyer (1) and director of company (1) / Doutorado / Trabalho, Politica e Sociedade / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-11T13:41:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Final Milton Melo.pdf: 836118 bytes, checksum: 4e5f210d3a680194c8ff2ea492de53a5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-21 / FAPEAM - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Amazonas / Attending the Acará down? This inquiry was in the vein that intertwine this investigation from start to finish. This is a study on workers of the Industrial Pole of Manaus that, amid the tensions of the regime in the early eighties and the bitterness of manufacturing control, knew organize itself to be in a social class, the working class. We try to understand it in the web of relationships and class antagonisms that distinguish this period. Assumed the purpose of investigating the strikes, the moments of tension, conflicts and struggles waged by workers workers occurred inside the factories that make up the Industrial Pole of Manaus, in the eighties of the twentieth century and its implications for the broader movement of workers CUT gathered in the Amazon. The study responds to a methodological perspective of oral history and the technique used was based on interviews of the semi-type structure applied to six workers from the Industrial Pole of Manaus. An analysis on the political transition process as design and democratic openness in Brazil, the construction of the new unionism in Brazil and the Amazon, seeking understand the vicissitudes of the first strike in PIM, the advances and setbacks victories in strikes of workers in the Industrial Park of Manaus and space of social struggle and working. The results show the importance it had employees and workers of the Industrial Pole of Manaus in the organization and establishment of its class, the class do in the Eighties, a decade full of the most significant events that took its culmination positive achievements in the field of social, economic and cultural. The completion of this research was due to the need and also to the desire to make an approach on the working class in Brazil whose goal is based on the idea of contributing to the historic regional production, providing subsidies for the academic community in discussing the a vision with this historiographical look contemporary. / Quem vai descer a Acará? Esta indagação constituiu-se no filão que entrelaçou esta investigação do início ao fim. Trata-se de um estudo sobre os trabalhadores do Pólo Industrial de Manaus que, em meio às tensões do regime no início dos anos oitenta e das agruras do controle fabril, soube organizar-se para constituir-se numa classe social, a classe operária. Buscamos compreendê-lo na trama de relações e dos antagonismos de classe que notabilizaram este período. Assumiu o propósito de investigar as greves, os momentos de tensões, conflitos e as lutas travadas pelos trabalhadores operários ocorridos no interior das fábricas que compõem o Pólo Industrial de Manaus, na década de oitenta do século XX e suas implicações no movimento mais amplo dos trabalhadores congregados na CUT no Amazonas. O estudo atende a uma perspectiva metodológica da história oral e a técnica utilizada constituiu-se na entrevista do tipo semi-estrutrado aplicada junto a seis trabalhadores do Pólo Industrial de Manaus. Realizamos uma análise sobre a transição política como projeto e processo de abertura democrática no Brasil; a construção do novo sindicalismo no Brasil e no Amazonas, procurando perceber as vicissitudes da primeira greve no PIM, os recuos avanços e vitórias nas greves dos trabalhadores do Parque Industrial de Manaus e espaço da luta e a sociabilidade operária. Os resultados mostram a importância que teve os trabalhadores e trabalhadoras do Pólo Industrial de Manaus na organização e constituição de sua classe, do fazer classe nos anos oitenta, uma década recheada dos mais significativos acontecimentos que tiveram sua culminância positiva no campo das conquistas sociais, econômicas e culturais. A realização desta pesquisa deveu-se à necessidade e, também, à preocupação de fazer uma abordagem sobre a Classe Operária no Brasil cuja meta fundamenta-se na idéia de contribuir para com a produção histórica regional, apresentando subsídios para a comunidade acadêmica no discutir de uma visão historiográfica com este olhar contemporâneo.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This study investigates workers’ perceptions of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) practices on elections and living wage issues from a social movement perspective from the Apartheid (South Africa) and Unilateral Declaration of Independence (Zimbabwe) eras to 2009. The trade union social movement perspective refers to labour movements that develop a socio-political character, and concern themselves not only with workplace issues but with broad social and political issues. A study of COSATU and ZCTU practices in South Africa and Zimbabwe at this time in the field of social movements is consistent with current calls for a conceptual shift, away from looking for invariant causes and effects to looking for mechanisms and processes that occur in many different kinds of movements and that lead to different outcomes depending on the specific contexts within which they occur. The study draws insights from social movement unionsm theory to understand mechanisms and processes pursued by COSATU and ZCTU in seeking to influence policy outcomes. This study used a qualitative approach and a case study strategy. In the study, questionnaire and in-depth interview responses were drawn from COSATU secretariat, two affiliates, the South African Democratic Teachers Union (SADTU) and National Union of Mine Workers (NUM). Questionnaire and in-depth responses were also drawn from the ZCTU secretariat, two affiliates, the General Agriculture and Plantation Workers Union of Zimbabwe (GPWUZ) and the Zimbabwe Urban Municipal Workers Union (ZUMWU). The objective was to gain insights from a broad cross-section of union members – blue-collar workers, professionals, state or semi state institution workers and ordinarily low income farm workers. The study concludes that workers’ perceptions of the two labour social movements is that they can influence changes in the political system (through elections) as a means to securing living wages by engaging in five practices, namely, disruption mechanisms, public preference mechanisms, political access mechanisms, judicial mechanisms and international access mechanisms. However, while the study noted that workers perceive COSATU and ZCTU practices as essential in influencing elections and living wage issues, the popularity of the mechanisms was lower in Zimbabwe where workers often face persecution. In South Africa, utilisation of these practices is also affected by the less militant public sector affiliates and non- standard forms of work such as subcontracting, casualisation, informalisation, externalisation and the ballooning informal sector. Given these problems, social movement trade unionism remains a viable means of representing the interests of the working poor. Establishment of these challenges leads to areas of possible further research such as how the unions can effectively represent the unorganised workers of the informal sector. A broader research on the impact of the exponential growth of non-standard forms of work is also relevant at this time in the two countries.

Les relations entre socialistes et enseignants sont à la fois marquées par une grande proximité et la crise entraînée par les tensions entre les deux champs entre 1997 et 2000. Les rapports entre ce milieu professionnel et ce courant politique sont supposés étroits. Pourtant, peu d’études ont été faites. La thèse propose une analyse des rapports entre le Parti socialiste et la Fédération de l’éducation nationale. Elle propose une analyse multidisciplinaire sur les interactions entre ces deux organisations, du congrès du PS à Epinay en 1971 à l’éclatement de la FEN en 1992. / Teachers and socialists had experienced, in contemporary France, a traditional alliance but also a major crisis under the left-wing government of 1997-2002. These interactions are supposed to be intense, but have entailed few scientific studies. This PhD paper focuses on a specific aspect of this relation, the partnership between the Parti socialiste and the Fédération de l’éducation nationale (the leading teacher union in France from 1946 to 1992. It studies on the interactions linking those organizations, from the socialist congress at Epinay in 1971 to the scission of the FEN in 1992.

"Sisson's Kingdom" uses a community study paradigm to offer an interpretation of the Confederate homefront collapse of Floyd County, Virginia. The study focuses primarily on residents' conflicting loyalty choices during the war, and attempts to explain the myriad of ways that their discord operated to remove Floyd County as a positive portion of the Confederate homefront. The study separates the "active Confederate disloyalty" of Floyd County's Unionist inhabitants from the "passive Confederate disloyalty" of relatives or friends of local Confederate deserters. It then explores the conflicting loyalties of the county's pro-Confederates, Unionists, and passive disloyalists, seeking to understand better the wide variety of loyalty choices available to residents as well as the consequences of their choices. To determine some of the significant factors contributing to the Floyd County community's response to the Confederacy and Civil War, this thesis documents the various ways residents' reactions took shape. Chapter One examines the roots of these decisions, exploring briefly Floyd County's entrance into Virginia's market economy during the 1850s and its residents' conflicting choices during Virginia's secession crisis. In the aftermath of secession, many Floyd residents embraced their new Confederate government and enlisted by the hundreds in its military units. The decision by some county soldiers to desert their units and return to Floyd caused loyalty conflicts between their supporters and the county's pro-Confederates. This conflict, and the effects of deserters living in the Floyd community, are both explored in Chapter Two. Floyd's Unionist population and its loyal Confederate residents clashed violently throughout much of the war, hastening the disintegration of the Floyd homefront. Their discord is examined in Chapter Three. / Master of Arts

No description available.

The Oshawa 1937 strike against General Motors was a major turning point in Canadian labour history. This thesis explores the factors that led to its success, including the historical background of working class struggle; the economic and political context of the times; prior organizing by Communists; the engagement of rank-and-file GM workers and the remarkable stewards’ body they established; and the support and leadership of the UAW International union. The thesis shows there was overlap and interplay between these factors. The influence of the strategic outlook of Communists, both in Oshawa and in the UAW more broadly, meant that the 1937 strike incorporated many features of what might now be called rank-and-file unionism: industrial unionism, democratic engagement of rank-and-file workers, militancy on the shop floor, building solidarity within the workforce and in the community, international solidarity, and rejecting cooperation with corporations. My research focus was on the voices and actions of rank-and-file workers as much as possible, and on the remarkable day-to-day events of the strike itself. The thesis demonstrates that many of the events and lessons of the strike have been little understood or have been misinterpreted. In particular, I reexamine and correct the long-accepted conclusions of Irving Abella that the Oshawa workers were “on their own” without significant support from the UAW/CIO leadership, and that they (or the Canadian labour movement) would have been better off if they did not organize under the banner of an international union. The thesis also demonstrates that Abella failed to grasp the degree to which rank-and-file principles were embodied by the strike and were crucial to its success. The contending forces of workers, corporations, and rabidly anti-union governments that clashed in Oshawa in 1937 are largely the same ones we see in the battles going on in North America today. Thus, understanding the factors that led to the success of the Oshawa strikers can provide valuable lessons to those seeking to revive today’s labour movement. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA) / The Oshawa 1937 strike against General Motors was a major turning point in Canadian labour history. This thesis explores the factors that led to its success, including the historical background of working class struggle; the economic and political context of the times; prior organizing by Communists; the engagement of rank-and-file GM workers and the remarkable stewards’ body they established; and the support and leadership of the UAW International union. The influence of Communists meant that the strike incorporated many features of what might now be called rank-and-file unionism: industrial unionism, democratic engagement of rank-and-file workers, militancy on the shop floor, building solidarity within the workforce and in the community, international solidarity, and rejecting cooperation with corporations. The contending forces of workers, corporations, and rabidly anti-union governments that clashed in Oshawa in 1937 are largely the same ones we see in the battles going on in North America today. Thus, understanding the factors that led to the success of the Oshawa strikers can provide valuable lessons to those seeking to revive today’s labour movement.

Alleghany County, an extractive community, has depended heavily upon a single paper mill known as MeadWestvaco for over a century. The purpose of this study is to explore the degree to which MeadWestvaco utilizes paternalism and economic coercion as forms of power to control and maintain community quiescence regarding the company's negative environmental impact in Alleghany County. This paper mill has negatively affected Alleghany County relative to other Virginia communities. However, there has been very little local action against the paper mill's environmental impact. To define and recognize paternalism and economic coercion, I undertake a historical analysis of the cotton textile industry of the Southern Piedmont and coal mining industry of Southern Appalachia, where these systems of power have been documented. In applying the indicators of paternalism and economic coercion found in these nearby Southern industries to Alleghany County, Virginia, I find that MeadWestvaco utilizes both strategies to some degree to control and influence community awareness of and response to the company's environmental damage. / Master of Science