This study examines the possible effect of the president's vote totals in states on Presidents Carter's and Reagan's support among senators. Using senators' Congressional Quarterly (CQ) presidential support scores as the dependent variable, this paper hypothesizes that Carter and Reagan's support is significantly and positively related to their electoral success in that Senator's state for the years 1977 through 1988. Several control variables are included to help explain support. There is qualified corroboration for the hypothesis that senator's presidential support scores are significantly and positively related to the president's electoral success for specific administrations and for specific-party senators, although not for the original hypothesis that aggregated the period 1977 to 1988.

The Bush administration's decision to abandon the Kyoto Protocol can be explained by prospect theory. The change in federal climate policy between the Clinton and Bush administrations was due to the difference in domain that each president operated under. President Clinton operated under a domain of losses as he associated continued fossil fuel use with future socio-economic and environmental damages from climate change. This domain of losses increased President Clinton's risk tolerances and explains his pursuit of the Kyoto Protocol, an international agreement to limit greenhouse gas emissions. Conversely, President Bush operated under a domain of gains where he did not connect fossil fuel use with future damages, rather with continued economic growth. President Bush's domain of gains reduced his risk tolerance and resulted in his pursuit of fossil fuel intensive economic development policies. This paper defines the domain that Presidents Clinton and Bush operated under regarding climate change, the independent variable of this analysis. A total of 26 speeches on climate change by these presidents were coded to explicate domain according to two categories of beliefs. The single most salient variable is the decision makers beliefs about the perceived robustness of the current state of scientific knowledge on climate change. The second most important aspect of these decision makers beliefs revolve around the role of fossil fuels in economic growth. Once domain has been defined through the cognitive maps and each decision makers corresponding risk tolerance explicated, the dependent variable of policy preferences are analyzed. Two policy options are analyzed; the business as usual (BAU) option associated with the status quo, as well as a climate protection policy that is reflective of the emissions reductions associated with US compliance with Kyoto. These two policy options are evaluated in three case studies; the economy wide costs of compliance with Kyoto targets for greenhouse gas emissions, the public health impacts of greenhouse gas reductions, and finally against a component of the Kyoto Protocol that allows for international trading of permits to emit greenhouse gases.

This thesis explores the influence of Alexander Hamilton upon the administration of John Adams. It begins with the background of the conflict between Adams and Hamilton, continues through Adam's presidency and ends with the "death of the Federalist party."

Call number: LD2668 .T4 1986 L41 / Master of Arts / Communication Studies

A study of the foreign policies of Theodore Roosevelt.

No description available.

It is the purpose of this thesis to present the problem of Greeley's efforts to influence Abraham Lincoln, with specific emphasis upon the Illinoisian's nomination, his election, his attitude toward secession before his inauguration, and his Presidential policies during the four years that he served as chief executive in the White House.

The purpose of this study was to analyze and assess the attitude of Lincoln and Congress toward emancipation of slaves during the Civil War.Hypotheses1. Abraham Lincoln, as the sixteenth President of the United States, was determined to preserve the Union and to preserve slavery where it existed.2. The Thirty-Seventh Congress of the United States was determined to preserve the Union and to preserve slavery where it existed.3. Lincoln showed enthusiasm toward emancipation of slaves.4. Lincoln was sensitive to the needs and desires of freed slaves.5. The Emancipation Proclamation freed slaves.Historical FindingsThe five historical hypotheses evaluated in this study reveal significant information and they are explained below:1. Abraham Lincoln, as the sixteenth President of the United States, was determined to save the Union. Therefore, the hypothesis that Abraham Lincoln, as the sixteenth President of the United States, was determined to abolish slavery is historically rejected.2. The Thirty-Seventh Congress of the United States was determined to save the Union. Therefore, the hypothesis that the Thirty-Seventh Congress of the United States was determined to abolish slavery is historically rejected.3. Lincoln showed enthusiasm toward gradual emancipation of slaves with compensation. Therefore, the hypothesis that Lincoln showed enthusiasm toward outright emancipation of slaves is historically rejected. 4. Lincoln was not sensitive to the needs and desires of Negroes, because this concern was overshadowed by his immediate desires to retain the Union. Therefore, the hypothesis that Lincoln was sensitive to the needs and desires of Negroes is historically rejected.5. The Emancipation Proclamation did not free slaves because of the following three reasons:(1) the Emancipation Proclamation applied to slaves in areas still under the control of the Confederacy; (2) the limitations of the Emancipation Proclamation made it a paper tiger; (3) the Emancipation Proclamation applied to slaves located where it had no power to execute its provisions.

This study will focus on the development of Andrew Jackson's attitude toward the American Indian and the effect of these attitudes on the shaping of official United states policy toward the Indians. Jackson was born and raised on the frontier. There his prejudices were acquired and his personality was formed. Chapter I deals with Jackson's early life as a young frontiersman, politician and Indian-fighter. His championing of the rights of the westerner, his attitudes toward the Indian and his love for the martial spirit led him into the Tennessee militia and the United States Army during the Indian wars. The military period of Jackson's life also is covered in Chapter I. Chapter II discusses the problems arising from the contact between the American colonist and the Indian as the white frontier pressed against and into Indian land. Jackson agreed with the general political justification for expansion: that the frontier must be advanced to provide security for settlements and farms. The average frontiersman would add that expansion also brought land into the hands of those who were meant to use it. Though acquisition of additional land was usually a result rather than a cause of war, few would deny that getting it by conquest was more desirable than buying it. With the cry for removal reaching a crescendo, the advocates found their champion in Andrew Jackson. He would implement the final solution to the Indian problem. Chapter III deals with the Indian removal policy and with Jackson's administration of removals, the dominant Indian feature of his presidency. The policy is described in detail, and the various attempts to justify it are considered. An important part of the removal story involves the relationship between the federal government and the states, the subject of Chapter IV. Jackson believed in the basic rights of states and had no desire to increase the power of the national government at their expense. In the controversy over Indian lands, he felt that the states had jurisdiction. This attitude the stage for this refusal to come to the aid of the Indians, in spite of treaty obligations to them. Chapter IV also covers the reaction to the removal policy by the public and by the Indians. Jackson's tendency to contradict himself is much in evidence in his Indian attitudes and policies. Chapter V attempts to show that he was a pragmatist. He was willing to do whatever was necessary to accomplish his ends, even if it meant completely reversing a principle that he had previously taken great pains to defend. In Chapter VI, conclusions are drawn on the effects of Jackson's Indian attitudes on the people of his own day and on generations that followed. Finally, an attempt is made to explain why Jackson felt and acted as he did in his relationships with the Indians. This section also deals with the charge that he was a racist and that he held the Indian in contempt as an inferior human being. Since the study is concerned primarily with Jackson's attitudes, the principal sources consulted were his letters and speeches. Published collections of Jackson's works proved especially valuable. Particularly helpful were Correspondence of Andrew Jackson, volumes I, II, and III, edited by John S. Bassett and J. F. Jameson and A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, volumes II and III, edited by James D. Richardson. To record the response to Jackson's Indian policies, contemporary newspapers were consulted, especially the New York Evening Post. Secondary sources were examined for detail and description rather than for analysis.

Post-force congressional rally effects are presented as a new incentive behind presidential decisions to use diversionary behavior. Using all key roll call votes in the House and Senate where the president has taken a position for the years 1948 to 1993, presidents are found to receive sharp decreases in both presidential support and success in Congress shortly after employing aggressive policies abroad. Evidence does suggest that presidents are able to capitalize on higher levels of congressional support for their policy preferences on votes pertaining to foreign or defense matters after uses of force abroad. But, despite these findings, diversionary behavior is found to hinder rather than facilitate troubled presidents' abilities to influence congressional voting behavior.