Os territórios, os espaços, a vida vivida nos espaços das cidades nos ajudam a compreender os processos políticos de formação da cidadania, do imaginário, das memórias e o modo como nominamos, usamos e referenciamos nossos espaços. Iremos neste trabalho elaborar uma história dos processos de ocupação da Amazônia, do Estado do Amazonas e principalmente questionar quais as razões para que nesse processo a Cidade de Manaus tenha tido sua história urbana e da própria cidade em si, tendo sido construída com lapsos de memória, esquecimentos de determinados momentos de sua história como cidade. / Territories, spaces, life lived in areas of the city help us understand the political processes of citizenship formation, imagination, memories and how nominated, and we mention we use our spaces. This work will develop a history of the processes of occupation of the Amazon, the State of Amazonas and mostly questioning the reasons for that in this process the City of Manaus had its own urban history and the city itself, having been built with memory lapses, forgetting certain moments of its history as a city.

O tema desta pesquisa é a atribuição de valor no campo do Patrimônio Cultural e o Sítio Alagadiço Novo, em Fortaleza, Ceará, é seu objeto de estudo. O Sítio Alagadiço foi o local de nascimento do romancista José de Alencar e teve suas terras remanescentes tombadas em 2012 pelo Instituto do Patrimônio Histórico Nacional (IPHAN). Propriedade da Universidade Federal do Ceará (UFC) desde 1965, o lugar abriga a instituição Casa de José de Alencar (CJA), órgão subordinado diretamente à Reitoria da UFC. A CJA é, inclusive, a denominação por que o Sítio é mais comumente conhecido pela comunidade fortalezense hoje. Isso posto, a questão de pesquisa da dissertação é: O que legitimou o tombamento do Sítio Alagadiço Novo? A fim de responder tal pergunta primeiro levantou-se a historiografia do Sítio em ordem com a história dos Alencar e com a evolução urbana de Fortaleza. Foram estipuladas três fases que correspondem aos ciclos econômicos da cidade, bem como coincidem com os ciclos em que (I) o Sítio Alagadiço Novo não existia como tal (1700-1810); (II) em que os Alencar viveram no lugar (1810-1930) e (III) ao ciclo pós-Alencar (1930-2018). A interpretação desse recorte historiográfico foi feita por meio do uso dos conceitos de Valor e Imaginário que serviram à provação da hipótese de que o tombamento do Sítio, em sua gênese, deveu-se à introjeção de um imaginário em torno da figura do escritor José de Alencar transformado em herói local no início do século XX. / This research explores the value attribution in the field of Cultural Heritage and the Sítio Alagadiço Novo, in Fortaleza, Ceará, is the object of the study. The Sítio Alagadiço was the birthplace of the novelist José de Alencar and had its remaining lands listed in 2012 by the National Historical Heritage Institute (IPHAN). Property of the Federal University of Ceará (UFC) since 1965, the place houses the institution Casa de José de Alencar (CJA), a subordinate body of the UFC’s Board. The CJA is even the denomination by which the site is most commonly known by the community of Fortaleza nowadays. With that being said, the research question of this dissertation is: What values did legitimize the heritage listing of Sítio Alagadiço Novo? In order to answer such a question, the historiography of the Site was elaborated in parallel with the history of the Alencar family and the urban evolution of Fortaleza. Three phases were stipulated corresponding to the economic cycles of the city as well as coincide with the cycles in which (I) the Sítio Alagadiço Novo did not exist as such (1700-1810); (II) in which the Alencar family lived in the place (1810-1930) and (III) the Post-Alencar cycle (1930-2018). The interpretation of this historiographic clipping was made through the use of the concepts of Value and Imaginary that served to test the following hypothesis: the listing of the Site, in its genesis, was due to the introjection of an imaginary around the figure of José de Alencar, whom was transformed into a local hero in the early 20th century.

Celebrado recentemente pela imprensa estrangeira como um dos dez melhores parques urbanos do mundo, o Parque Ibirapuera é um símbolo de São Paulo. Projetado como o palco de convergência para os eventos comemorativos do IV Centenário da cidade, foi inaugurado em 1954 para simbolizar a ascensão da capital ao mundo moderno e industrializado. A história do parque, de seus edifícios e arredores é marcada por disputas, incertezas e apropriações casuísticas que ainda permanecem vorazes. Seus edifícios modernos, projetados sem clara definição de uso após os festejos que os ensejaram, foram objeto de intensa apropriação pelo poder público e entidades privadas, que obstaculizaram uma gestão integrada e coerente do Ibirapuera. Partindo da constatação preliminar de que o parque, assim como seu conjunto arquitetônico projetado por Oscar Niemeyer e equipe, foi fragmentado funcionalmente em diversas \"ilhas\" ao longo do tempo, procura-se compreendê-lo como um espaço altamente dinâmico e pautado por práticas que muitas vezes ameaçam a preservação de sua espacialidade e seu caráter público. Apesar de ser desde finais do século XX um território que se define pela concentração de algumas das mais importantes instituições culturais do país, é emblemático de sua trajetória instável o fato de que seus edifícios tenham sido apropriados por órgãos burocráticos durante mais de meio século e que sua área verde tenha sido drasticamente diminuída. O Parque Ibirapuera foi ainda rodeado por grandes avenidas, atravessado por túneis e entrecortado por zonas residenciais e grandes equipamentos urbanos - hospitais, institutos científicos, clubes privados, sede legislativa, sede de departamento de trânsito e zonas militares. Assim, neste estudo, ele é compreendido tanto como evidência quanto como instrumento de uma esfera pública que é definida por sua coexistência com interesses privados e geralmente por eles enfraquecida. / Ibirapuera Park, celebrated recently by the international press as one of the world\'s ten best urban parks, is an icon of São Paulo. It was designed to be the focal point of the city\'s 400th anniversary commemorations and was inaugurated in 1954 to symbolize the capital\'s entry to the modern industrialized world. The park\'s history, its buildings and surroundings are marred by continuing insatiable disputes, uncertainties and casuistic appropriations even today. Its modern buildings, designed with no clearly defined use after the festivities that gave rise to them, were the object of intense appropriation by both public authorities and private entities, barriers to a coherent and integrated management of Ibirapuera. Based on the preliminary observation that the park, together with its architectural complex designed by Oscar Niemeyer and his team, was divided functionally into various \"islands\" over the years, an attempt is made to understand it as a highly dynamic space, characterized by practices that very often endanger the preservation of its spatiality and public nature. Although since the late 20th century it is an area that concentrates some of the country\'s most valuable cultural institutions, the fact that its buildings have been taken over by bureaucratic bodies for over half a century and its green area drastically reduced is emblematic of its uncertain trajectory. Ibirapuera Park was moreover hemmed in by wide avenues, crossed by tunnels and intersected by residential neighborhoods and major urban equipment, such as hospitals, scientific institutes, private clubs, legislative headquarters, traffic department head office and military zones. So in this study it is understood as both proof and instrument of a public sphere marked by its coexistence with private interests and generally undermined by them.

Celebrado recentemente pela imprensa estrangeira como um dos dez melhores parques urbanos do mundo, o Parque Ibirapuera é um símbolo de São Paulo. Projetado como o palco de convergência para os eventos comemorativos do IV Centenário da cidade, foi inaugurado em 1954 para simbolizar a ascensão da capital ao mundo moderno e industrializado. A história do parque, de seus edifícios e arredores é marcada por disputas, incertezas e apropriações casuísticas que ainda permanecem vorazes. Seus edifícios modernos, projetados sem clara definição de uso após os festejos que os ensejaram, foram objeto de intensa apropriação pelo poder público e entidades privadas, que obstaculizaram uma gestão integrada e coerente do Ibirapuera. Partindo da constatação preliminar de que o parque, assim como seu conjunto arquitetônico projetado por Oscar Niemeyer e equipe, foi fragmentado funcionalmente em diversas \"ilhas\" ao longo do tempo, procura-se compreendê-lo como um espaço altamente dinâmico e pautado por práticas que muitas vezes ameaçam a preservação de sua espacialidade e seu caráter público. Apesar de ser desde finais do século XX um território que se define pela concentração de algumas das mais importantes instituições culturais do país, é emblemático de sua trajetória instável o fato de que seus edifícios tenham sido apropriados por órgãos burocráticos durante mais de meio século e que sua área verde tenha sido drasticamente diminuída. O Parque Ibirapuera foi ainda rodeado por grandes avenidas, atravessado por túneis e entrecortado por zonas residenciais e grandes equipamentos urbanos - hospitais, institutos científicos, clubes privados, sede legislativa, sede de departamento de trânsito e zonas militares. Assim, neste estudo, ele é compreendido tanto como evidência quanto como instrumento de uma esfera pública que é definida por sua coexistência com interesses privados e geralmente por eles enfraquecida. / Ibirapuera Park, celebrated recently by the international press as one of the world\'s ten best urban parks, is an icon of São Paulo. It was designed to be the focal point of the city\'s 400th anniversary commemorations and was inaugurated in 1954 to symbolize the capital\'s entry to the modern industrialized world. The park\'s history, its buildings and surroundings are marred by continuing insatiable disputes, uncertainties and casuistic appropriations even today. Its modern buildings, designed with no clearly defined use after the festivities that gave rise to them, were the object of intense appropriation by both public authorities and private entities, barriers to a coherent and integrated management of Ibirapuera. Based on the preliminary observation that the park, together with its architectural complex designed by Oscar Niemeyer and his team, was divided functionally into various \"islands\" over the years, an attempt is made to understand it as a highly dynamic space, characterized by practices that very often endanger the preservation of its spatiality and public nature. Although since the late 20th century it is an area that concentrates some of the country\'s most valuable cultural institutions, the fact that its buildings have been taken over by bureaucratic bodies for over half a century and its green area drastically reduced is emblematic of its uncertain trajectory. Ibirapuera Park was moreover hemmed in by wide avenues, crossed by tunnels and intersected by residential neighborhoods and major urban equipment, such as hospitals, scientific institutes, private clubs, legislative headquarters, traffic department head office and military zones. So in this study it is understood as both proof and instrument of a public sphere marked by its coexistence with private interests and generally undermined by them.

The aim of this dissertation is to put forward conceptual frameworks to inquire into and update the following theoretical categories of Aldo Rossi’s architectural production: the city as an artefact, the idea of type, architectural autonomy, history understood as collective imagination, and the concept of the analogical city. On one hand, our inquiry puts forward a close reading of particular aspects of Rossi’s formal and theoretical production, examining Rossi’s work as well as other commentators on Rossi’s work. On the other, the inquiry is supported by a selective reading of major figures as well as canonical theories and projects from the discipline of architecture. In both cases detailed readings of texts, drawings, built and unbuilt work is undertaken to extrapolate the theoretical categories as well as key descriptive characteristics. These develop the conceptual frameworks which are diagrams that visualise the relations between categories and characteristics. Revisiting Rossi helps us re-engage with architecture as a discipline that simultaneously produces its own historical-formal body of knowledge while co-determining the wider social imagination. The discipline has, in the last decades, become weakened by the continuing proliferation of unique architecture-objects and the rejection of architecture’s fixed terms of reference. By discussing the category of discipline, we point to future work on how architecture negotiates its formal condition and its societal role. We re-learn that architecture is an instrument that puts forward singular alternative ways of living – formal possibilities – and critical interpretations of existing conditions – theoretical alternatives. The primary method of inquiry is visual and literary montage. Simultaneously analytic and synthetic, montage provides a way to isolate theoretical categories and formal examples from the mass of material, then produce new insight by making connections between things otherwise different.

Cities have a paradoxical relationship with science fiction literature. On the one hand, critics like Brian Aldiss have called sf a `literature of cities', citing them as the dominant context for speculative fiction. On the other, critics like Gary Wolfe have noted how sf has an "anti-urban frontier mentality" and how sf narratives involving cities often tend to view them as a trap from which the protagonist must escape. This relationship is even more complex in sf works by African American authors, as contemporary African American fiction in general takes the city as the dominant context for black social life and has turned to interrogate "issues of urban community" in the post-Civil Rights era. This dissertation explores the connections between the heterogeneous urban histories of Anglo-European and African American sf authors and the cities they construct. It does so by comparing the portrayal of cities by each group and relating the commonalities and contrasts that emerge from these portrayals to the differences and similarities between African American urban history and Anglo-European urban history. To provide a common ground for comparison, two city typologies are focused on: the `imperial city' that reigns at the heart of sf's many empires, and the empty metropolis of the `dead city' or `ghost city'. The study finds that these narratives all interrogate crises of political and environmental sustainability in urban history, but that the focus of these crises often diverge along the axis of race, with an especially large concentration on the crises related to racially targeted urban renewal programs present in black sf's dead cities and on crises related to black anti-imperialist politics in its imperial cities.

La place répond à la représentation – consciente ou inconsciente selon les temps et les lieux – que chaque groupe d’hommes se fait de sa ville. Devenue forme urbaine prestigieuse, la place est donc d’abord une idée, née à l’époque moderne d’une construction intellectuelle et culturelle. Partant de ce postulat, la thèse vise à comprendre le statut de la place parisienne à travers ses représentations. Afin de mieux décrypter les changements comme les permanences, d’interroger sa valeur archétypale ou paradigmatique, la place est observée à travers un corpus de textes de statuts différents (de la théorie architecturale au guide de voyage). Cette recherche explore dans deux périodes - l’une de construction d’une pensée sur la ville (1690-1844), l’autre de relecture et de recherche de modèles dans son passé (1889-1975), si et comment la place participe de la notion d’embellissement née au siècle des Lumières, mais aussi le rôle que les auteurs lui attribuent dans la structuration de la ville (centralité, extension) ou encore dans sa mise en valeur, voire dans la survivance de son mythe comme ville la « plus belle de l’univers ». Par delà l’annexion de 1860, ces textes interrogent les temps de la ville, ses limites, ses pratiques, sa symbolique. Quel que soit le moment, la place raconte une certaine idée de l’espace urbain et inversement, par anticipation ou rétroaction. C’est donc dans ce rapport dialectique que cette thèse s’inscrit et tente de comprendre ce qui est dit du fait urbain à travers cette forme urbaine à part, qui est d’abord une idée puissante, symbole d’une urbanité toujours à redéfinir. / The square is part of the representation of the city that each human group develops during a specific time in a specific place. It became a prestigious urban form under the influence of an intellectual and cultural idea which took shape in the high spheres of society during the modern era. Stemming from this premise, this thesis aims to understand what the square, as reflected in its representations, stood for from the second half of the 18th century to the beginning of the 20th century. The corpus is based on texts which vary from architectural theory to visitors’ guides. In order to better decipher changes as well as permanencies and to question their archetypal or paradigmatic value, the Parisian square is observed through texts published during two moments of expectations, interrogations and urban projections: 1740-1840 and 1890-1920, two moments which border a short and intense time of structural transformations. This research aims to explore whether and how the square participated in the notion of embellishment in the sense used since the 18th century. Another aim is to measure the role the authors give to the square in the restructuring of the city and in its valorisation, the extreme form being the survival of the myth of Paris as “the most beautiful city of the Universe”. These multiples narratives reflect the image of a polysemic square which underwent different kinds of transformations. At each moment, the square tells a specific idea of urban space related to anticipation or reactive action. Thus, this thesis takes into account this dialectic relation and hopes to help understanding how the discourse on the square is a commentary on urban being at large.

Au XVIe siècle, Londres est soumis à plusieurs mouvements de grande ampleur. La croissance démographique de la ville, fondée sur des flux migratoires de personnes jeunes et parfois pauvres, est sans précédent, de même que le développement économique de la ville. À cela s’ajoute le passage à la réforme, initié par les souverains Tudor à partir des années 1525-1530. Dans un tel contexte, on doit s’interroger sur deux mouvements parallèles qui affectent alors Londres : le nombre et la qualité des cérémonies publiques (entrées royales, spectacles civiques pour l’élection du Lord maire) ne cesse de croître alors que se développe une abondante et inédite offre en spectacles payants (théâtre, combats d’animaux, escrime…). Si un certain nombre de travaux se sont interrogés sur les connexions possibles entre les mutations que connait Londres et la prise d’importance des spectacles publics, peu d’études ont été consacrées à la comparaison des deux types de spectacles d’un point de vue politique, économique, social et culturel.Une telle comparaison révèle l’importance des spectacles dans la fabrique d’une société londonienne animée de grandes mutations. Tout d’abord, les cérémonies sont l’occasion pour les magistrats de Londres d’élaborer un discours théorique sur un gouvernement idéal au service du « bien commun » du corps civique. Mais les magistrats entendent le réaliser pratiquement, en optant pour un mode d’organisation et de financement qui fait participer toutes les institutions et un maximum de Londoniens à un même idéal civique. Ensuite, les spectacles payants, qui se plient à des contraintes économiques, politiques et religieuses, contribuent également à la fabrique sociale du Londres Tudor. La monarchie et les différentes institutions londoniennes considèrent que la fréquentation des spectacles comme un « honnête divertissement », qui contribue au maintien de la paix sociale dans Londres. Une étude précise des acteurs dans ces différents spectacles montre que ce sont les mêmes « spécialistes » du spectacle qui participent aux cérémonies et donnent des représentations payantes dans Londres.Toutefois, dans le dernier tiers du XVIe siècle, ce modus vivendi se fissure. Alors que la situation financière de Londres se dégrade, les cérémonies deviennent un objet de discorde entre institutions et au sein des institutions civiques. Parallèlement, les spectacles publics échappent en partie au contrôle du pouvoir, révélant le manque de coopération entre les différents acteurs institutionnels. La municipalité semble dès lors considérer les spectacles plus comme un danger pour l’ordre public que comme un moyen de l’assurer. / Sixteenth-century London underwent three important transformations. First, a dramatic demographic expansion was due to the arrival of thousands of young migrants, often poor, who settled every year in the city. Second, under the Tudor dynasty, London became the economic center of England, and the number of prosperous Londoners soared. Finally, Henry VIII initiated a process of religious reformation.From 1533, a growing number of expensive ceremonies (royal entries and civic spectacles) were organized by London authorities. In the same way, public representations of drama, bear baiting or fencers prizes are more and more numerous. This thesis would like to investigate the link between the economic, political and religious transformations and the development of a market-economy of spectacles in London.The study of the people involved in the organization of the ceremonies reveals that they are the same than those that give public representations in London and private spectacles at the royal court.Comparing ceremonies and public recreations demonstrates that, from Henri VIII to Elizabeth I, spectacles played a major role in the social integration of migrants in the urban society. On one hand, ceremonies were the occasion for London magistrates to elaborate new civic rhetoric and ideology in which the common wealth was the core value. For civic magistrates and corporations officers, the common wealth was not simply a set of discourses, it had to be achieved through the organization and the funding of the ceremonies. On the other hand, public spectacles which were constrained by economic, religious and political imperatives, contributed to the same civic integration. The Privy Council and the London institutions considered public spectacles as a form of “honest recreation” that should be encouraged. The existence of such cheap spectacles was thought to be useful to maintain the public order in an ever growing metropolis. In the 1580-1590’s, the modus vivendi surrounding spectacles was broken. The dire economic and financial situation of the city created some tensions regarding funding of ceremonies in the London institutions among the members, and between the monarchy and the City. The public spectacles became also a problem, because livery companies and parish vestries refused to collaborate with the civic magistrates. For the City fathers, the public spectacles were becoming a menace more a menace that an asset in the effort to enforce social order.

Master of Arts / This work is the history of a particularly singular and strong human enterprise. Until the advent of several more recent interpretative works, Australian transport historiography has heavily emphasised engineering and operational development without examining the contextual social and economic forces. The Manly Ferry, with its unique contribution to the history of Sydney's development as a suburban city, provides a distinctive microcosmic example with which to illustrate the evolution of an urban society - with its emphasis on mobility - in the wake of the industrial revolution.

<p>Centrally located problem areas of today, with suburban-like modernist architecture, are an anomaly in Sweden. The purpose of the present study is to investigate this Swedish anomaly by comparing three such city sections – Norrby in Borås, Nyfors in Eskilstuna and Öster in Gävle – and to try to answer the question: what type of case is this? To answer this question, a theoretical perspective distinguishing habitation, population and images is developed using concepts from Bourdieu, Elias and Scotson, Goffman, Lefebvre and Østerberg. Methodologically, this is a detailed comparative case study of the history of these three city sections in three or four phases, from before to after their thorough urban renewal in the 1960s. Once, these habitations developed in concert with their city into a working-class area, just beside the city centre, but beyond the railway station. After WWII, they became subjects of renewal, thus afflicted by a slum process that preceded demolition. The new habitation was planned for housing a working-class population. Suburban-like in shape, it was nevertheless part of an inner-city renewal. The new habitation became a target for critique already during the renewal process, a critique that was cast in the same terms as the critique of the suburbs of the time: Images of poor and troublesome outdoor milieus, social problems of different kinds, empty apartments, high turn over, immigrants and refugees were produced, in the media but also by the inhabitants and their organizations, giving the city section a bad reputation. This was to last until the present. Yet with new investment in attractive housing in adjacent brown field areas, these areas have once again become the subject of renewal. Consequently, these areas can be identified as a case of a good location with a bad reputation, emerging from the inner-city renewal of a former working-class habitation.</p>