Os territórios, os espaços, a vida vivida nos espaços das cidades nos ajudam a compreender os processos políticos de formação da cidadania, do imaginário, das memórias e o modo como nominamos, usamos e referenciamos nossos espaços. Iremos neste trabalho elaborar uma história dos processos de ocupação da Amazônia, do Estado do Amazonas e principalmente questionar quais as razões para que nesse processo a Cidade de Manaus tenha tido sua história urbana e da própria cidade em si, tendo sido construída com lapsos de memória, esquecimentos de determinados momentos de sua história como cidade. / Territories, spaces, life lived in areas of the city help us understand the political processes of citizenship formation, imagination, memories and how nominated, and we mention we use our spaces. This work will develop a history of the processes of occupation of the Amazon, the State of Amazonas and mostly questioning the reasons for that in this process the City of Manaus had its own urban history and the city itself, having been built with memory lapses, forgetting certain moments of its history as a city.

Lars Försters Artikel resümiert die Rolle der Stadt Chemnitz als Zentrum der sächsichen Reformpädagogik seit dem 20. Jahrhundert, wobei besonders die Bernsdorfer Schule und die Humboltschule berücksichtigt werden.

This dissertation traces a series of cultural negotiations through which the Parsis, a community of ethnic Zoroastrians, fashioned themselves into ‘modern’ citizens in the setting of colonial Bombay. It examines the ways Parsis negotiated change in a number of personal spheres such as their dress, deportment, dining and domesticity as well as the ways the community managed internal groupings such as Persian Zoroastrian refugees and the Parsi poor in the landscape of Bombay. It proposes that it was this unusual, simultaneous fashioning at the levels of the personal and the broader community, that turned the series of negotiations into a project of self-fashioning. It argues that it is in these cultural and intra-communal domains of self-fashioning that we see some of the more difficult negotiations, as well as the inner tensions, that the Parsi model of modernity entailed at the different levels of Parsi society.

This dissertation argues that the history of Miami is best understood as an imperial history. In a series of thematic chapters, it demonstrates how the city came into existence as a result of expansionism and how it continued to maintain imperial distinctions and hierarchies as it incorporated new people, beginning as a colonial frontier prior to the nineteenth century and becoming an imperial center of the Americas in the twentieth century. In developing an imperial analysis of the city, “The Viceroyalty of Miami” pays particular attention to sources that elite imperialists generated. Their papers, publications, and speeches archive the leading and often loudest voices directing the city’s capitalist development and its future. This focus on the elite shows both their local power over the city and their global vision for it, putting local history into dialogue with newer scholarly approaches to global urban cities. Though imperialists worked to portray the area as untamed during the Spanish colonial period, taming nature became paramount in subsequent eras, especially during the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century with the environmental transformation of south Florida. City founders intentionally introduced plants from the Americas and around the world that created an elite tropical culture in Miami, a consequence of overseas imperial acquisitions in 1898 in tropical parts of the world. Spanish revival architecture worked as the means of establishing U.S. sovereignty over a formerly contested frontier, but self-contained suburban development inaugurated persistent problems of metropolitan management. Finally, once imperialists laid claim to the soil and the building that sat upon it, they turned to the air, making Miami a projected site of U.S. power through aviation. In light of the four substantive chapters, the Epilogue recasts our understanding of ideological migration before and after 1959 as the final stage of Miami’s transformation from a colonial frontier to an imperial city.

Garbage landfills are at the heart of debates over sustainable urban development. Landfills are the cheapest waste-disposal method, but have specific environmental problems and are a common target for citizen activism such as environmental justice and Not In My Backyard (NIMBY) protests. As a means of covering up the scars at recently closed landfills, it has been common for cities to redevelop landfills into parks. The ongoing redevelopment projects at New York City's Fresh Kills, Greater Toronto's Keele Valley, and Greater Tel Aviv's Hiriya landfills are uniquely ambitious and large-scale projects, because these three landfills were among the largest in the world at the time each of them closed around the turn of the twenty-first century. These three landfill-park redevelopments are positive projects, but there are more complexities involved than one would find discussed in booster rhetoric such as government press releases, local newspaper descriptions, and even museum exhibitions. The construction of Freshkills Park, North Maple Regional Park, and Ariel Sharon Park does little to address the ongoing waste-disposal policy concerns of New York, Toronto, and Tel Aviv; therefore, the redevelopments have more significance as “symbols” of a poor past policy being replaced by a “progressive” policy for a better future than as actual waste-disposal policies. Artists and landscape architects have created works based on the theme of parkland as a fresh start for these landfills, in gallery and museum exhibitions such as Hiriya in the Museum at the Tel Aviv Museum of Art in 2000 and artwork created by acclaimed environmental artist Mierle Laderman Ukeles for Fresh Kills.

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This dissertation focuses on the rise and fall of “local-level foreign policy” and the local coalitions of leftists and liberals behind these policies. Relying on extensive archival research and interviews, the project shows that, in the decades following 1968, newly elected left-liberal city officials collaborated with leftist, international solidarity activists to use city resources as a means of offering support to social movements in distant parts of the world. In the process, city officials and grassroots activists both aided international movements and drew public attention to the downturn in public funding for social programs in lieu of an expanding military budget. The study refers to these partnerships as “Urban Internationalist Coalitions.” In the 1970s and 1980s, Urban Internationalist Coalitions around the United States passed ballot measures, created sister-city relationships, and organized city-based international delegations designed to challenge and ameliorate the impacts of, what they understood as, the unjust foreign policies of the U.S. federal government towards North Vietnam, El Salvador, and Nicaragua. These initiatives reshaped local politics as strategically capable of tackling problems beyond the city’s borders. By the 1980s, local politicians and grassroots activists’ collaborative engagement around opposing U.S. foreign policy made local-level foreign policy a prevalent aspect of city politics nationwide. As the influence of Urban Internationalist Coalitions and their political strategies expanded, this left-liberal group of collaborators experienced growing pains. By the late 1980s, dozens of cities had replicated local-level foreign policy projects in opposition to the Reagan Administration’s policies towards revolutionary Nicaragua. However, cities’ projects often correlated more with distinct, local political conditions rather than an over-arching, national strategy. Thus, as local-level foreign policies grew in prevalence, a coordinated national strategy became more difficult. When Urban Internationalist Coalitions’ politics did come to inform a national strategy in the form of Jesse Jackson’s presidential campaigns, the increased scale of a national campaign unearthed leftists and liberals’ strategic differences. Organizing across an expanded, national terrain, Urban Internationalist Coalitions confronted the obstacle that neoliberalism’s political and economic impact posed to their political goals and the longevity of their left-liberal alliance. Urban Internationalist Coalitions ultimately experienced Jackson’s Rainbow Coalition organization as a series of political clashes. The political schisms exposed within the Rainbow Coalition frayed at the edges of leftists and liberals’ working relationships locally. Facing substantial political and economic challenges, Urban Internationalist Coalitions unraveled by the early 1990s. / History

Unigov is one of the most significant pieces of legislation in Indianapolis and Indiana history. In the often times hostile environment of Indiana politics it is nothing short of a miracle that the leaders in the Republican Party were able to get the Unigov bill approved and have it be as successful for the city as it has been. Unigov also created a modern day political machine for the Republican Party of Indianapolis. The new city of Indianapolis under the leadership of Republican Mayors Richard Lugar and William Hudnut has earned national name recognition on the convention circuit and for hosting amateur athletics events. Over time the growth attributed to Unigov has proven to be unsustainable. Unigov has also been inefficient at solving many of the social problems the city had when it was created. Unigov and the initial growth of the city from its consolidation were dependent on the suburban tax base that used to exist in the outer townships of Marion County. Unigov has had the effect of pushing that tax base even further out from the central business district. Many of the problems Indianapolis faces today were the same problems it faced when Unigov expanded the city. This has had the effect of building a new city on old problems. As the suburbs have expanded they now compete directly with Indianapolis for jobs, entertainment, and cultural events. The goal of this paper is to better understand the need for Unigov, how it fits into a national context, and how the city has fared over the first twenty-two years since its enactment.

The positive relationship between humans and nature is manifest in the urban greening movement, which has taken root in cities around the world. Street trees are an essential component of urban design and have emerged from a variety of historic legacies, both human and environmental. While the growing body of research on street trees has considered street tree density and distribution across cities, it has not situated these metrics in the broader discussion on the historical legacies of urban greening. This study considers five capital cities (Ottawa, Stockholm, Buenos Aires, Paris, and Washington, D.C.) spanning two climate zones and three continents to analyze the density and distribution of street trees by asking two questions: (1) what is the density and distribution of street trees across a given city and its street hierarchy? (2) how do these metrics compare within and between cities by climate zone? Preexisting datasets from local authorities are used to execute a geospatial analysis of the street tree structure of the central zone of each city. The results of this study shed light on the importance of place-specificity in informing the street tree legacy of cities and questions the existing primacy of the city-wide canopy cover metric as a global norm in planning practice. / Det positiva förhållandet mellan människor och natur är manifest i stadsförgröningsrörelsen (urban greening movement), vilket har etablerat sig i städer runtom i världen. Gatuträd är en essentiell komponent av stadsutformning och har växt fram från en mångfald av historiska arv, båda mänskliga och miljömässiga. Medan allt mer forskning om gatuträd har betraktat gatuträdtäthet och distribution tvärs över städer, har den inte placerat dessa mätmetoder i den större diskussionen om historiska arv av stadsförgröning. Denna studie betraktar fem huvudstäder (Ottawa, Stockholm, Buenos Aires, Paris, och Washington, D.C.) över två klimatzoner och tre kontinenter för att analysera gatuträdtäthet och distribution genom att ställa två frågor: (1) vad är tätheten och distributionen av gatuträd genom en stad och dess gatunätverkshierarki? (2) hur jämförs dessa mätmetoder inom och mellan städer i samma klimatzon? Befintliga data från lokala myndigheter används för att utföra en georumslig analys av gatuträdstrukturen i centralzonen av varje stad. Resultaten belyser platsspecificitetens vikt att inverka stadsgatuträdsarv och ifrågasätter den befintliga dominansen av stadsträdkronstäckning som en global norm inom planeringspraktik.