Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-29T14:12:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_5847_Dissertação - Ana Lucia Santos Coelho - versão final.pdf: 5238311 bytes, checksum: bf71fb92afa1dd494fa48abb7d40e782 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-08 / Nesta dissertação, analisamos as relações de amor e de poder na Urbs de Augusto protagonizadas pelas mulheres representadas pelo poeta Públio Ovídio Naso. Para tanto, tomamos como fonte a obra Ars Amatoria, escrita por esse autor entre os anos I a.C. e I d.C., a qual apresenta conselhos amorosos aos homens e mulheres que viviam na Roma imperial. Nosso estudo teve como recorte temporal a segunda metade do século I a.C. e o primeiro quartel do século seguinte, período em que Augusto fundou o Principado e impôs à sociedade romana um programa de Reforma Moral. Nesse contexto, nosso objetivo geral foi compreender, a partir da Ars Amatoria, as adesões e os confrontos realizados pelo poeta diante das imposições morais do imperador. Dessa forma, analisamos as relações amorosas protagonizadas pelas mulheres representadas pelo poeta, e investigamos como os espaços da Urbs augustana foram concebidos e utilizados por Ovídio no âmbito dessas relações. O referencial teórico empregado nessa pesquisa foi o da História Cultural, pautado nos conceitos de representação, gênero, cidade, corpo e coqueteria. Já a metodologia empregada foi a Análise de Conteúdo. Consideramos, finalmente, que Ovídio concebeu estratégias de escrita para expressar suas concepções de amor na Ars Amatoria, sem necessariamente ser punido pelo imperador. Demonstramos, assim, que o poeta não confrontou, de modo público e explícito, o poder do soberano e seu programa de Reforma Moral, mas propôs, ao mesmo tempo, conselhos que promoviam comportamentos conflitantes com a reformulação dos costumes sociais projetada por Augusto.

Texte remanié de la: Th. Etat--Université de Provence, 1989. / Bibliogr. p. 333-379. Index.

S'appuyant sur une approche historique, cette thèse interroge le processus de formation et de transformation de la capitale du Mozambique, et pour ce faire analyse les liens qui se sont noués, au cours des XIXème et XXème siècles, entre changements économiques, transformations institutionnelles et évolutions des formes urbaines. Située en position excentrée par rapport au reste du Mozambique, et proche de l'Union Sud-Africaine, Lourenço Marques passe successivement du statut de factorerie, à celui de bourg, puis de ville portuaire. La création, au cours du XIXème siècle, des axes de liaison, routier puis ferroviaire, avec le Natal fait de Lourenço Marques le débouché maritime des produits miniers d'Afrique du Sud et explique le développement économique de la ville. Pendant toute la période de sa formation, ce sont les plans d'urbanisme, élaborés par des ingénieurs militaires puis des architectes venus de Lisbonne, qui encadrent les extensions de la ville devenue capitale de la Province du Mozambique. Comme de nombreuses villes coloniales, Lourenço Marques devient le terrain d'expérimentation de méthodes de planification (tracés viaires, lotissement, zonage), élaborées dans différents pays européens, dont le Portugal. Pendant toute la période coloniale, ingénieurs et architectes portugais réussissent tant bien que mal à maîtriser la croissance de la ville européenne, restreignant l'accès des « africains » à cette dernière. La création à proximité du centre-ville d'un quartier « indigène » témoigne d'une volonté de séparation raciale de la part des colonisateurs. L'accession en 1975 du Mozambique à l'indépendance se traduit par l'exode des portugais et l'ouverture des portes de la ville aux africains. Cette décision soudaine produit une sorte d'appel d'air pour la population des campagnes et amorce un processus de croissance démographique rapide de Lourenço Marques devenue Maputo. Multipliant les plans d'urbanisme (qui ne sont jamais approuvés), les autorités du Mozambique indépendant rencontrent de plus en plus de difficultés à maîtriser un processus de développement qui se traduit notamment par de nombreux quartiers informels (lotissements, bidonvilles) et peinent à développer les activités économiques garantissant des emplois stables aux nouveaux habitants. / This thesis is based on a historical approach. It addresses the process whereby the capital city of Mozambique was shaped and transformed, and analyses the links that appeared during the 19th and 20th centuries between economic change, institutional transformations and the evolution of urban morphology. The location of Lourenço Marques is peripheral in Mozambique. The city is close to the Union of South Africa, and was originally a trading outpost. It later became a feitoria, small town, then a coastal city. The creation of road and, later, of rail networks with the Transvaal in the 19th century meant that Lourenço Marques became the maritime gateway for South African mining products, which explains the city's economic development. During the period in which the city was shaped, its extensions were managed through plans drawn up by engineers and army officials, and, later, by architects who came from Lisbon. It is at this point in time that the city became the capital of the Province of Mozambique. Like many other colonial cities, Lourenço Marques was subject to a wide range of planning experiments (street patterns, subdivisions, zoning) designed in various European countries, including Portugal. During the entire colonial period, Portuguese engineers and architects somehow managed to contain the growth of this European town, by restricting African people's access to it. The fact that a quarter was created near the city centre for the “indigenous population” reflects the fact that colonizers wanted racial separation. When Mozambique became independent in 1975, the Portuguese exodus took place and the city was opened up to African people. This sudden decision generated mass immigration from the countryside and initiated the rapid demographic growth of Lourenço Marques, whose name then became Maputo. The authorities of Mozambique came up with many town planning documents (which were never approved), and found it increasingly difficult to manage the development process – many informal quarters appeared (subdivisions and shanty towns) – and to generate economic activities that would give permanent jobs to the new population.

The public realm of the ancient, Western city evolved situationally - over time and in response to the ethos of its citizens. Some of the urban forms that were born within the context of the ancient city are still in use today. These now archetypal forms met the specific needs of the ancient city, and as they were repeated, patterns arose that came to define what a physical city was. The physical form of the city and the citizen body were intrinsically linked in the ancient world - and in ancient Greece were defined by the same word - polis. In Rome, the city and the collective citizenry come to be defined separately - as urbs and civitas, respectively. The Romans continue to use and elaborate upon the urban forms and patterns developed in Greece, in support of the Roman civitas. The development of the public realm and its most archetypal forms, from the stoa to the public plaza, of a selection of ancient cities will be examined in three parts; Greece, Rome, and Roman colonies. Within these three representative examples, a tripartite examination of the myths, rituals, and development of the public realm will give a complete picture of the city - its form and its ethos. First, the Greek city will be discussed using the architectural development of the Athenian agora within its historical and political context. With an understanding of the Greek public realm, specific architectural advancements, including the stoa form, of the Greeks can be better understood. Second, the Roman elaboration of the Greek forms will be traced in the growth of the Forum Boarium in Rome. While situationally-developed, the archetypal urban forms that grew in Greece and Rome came to define urban patterns that could be used in new settings, like those of colonial settlements, while retaining the ethos of the original. From its first colony of Ostia to its exemplary Gallic capital of Lyon, Rome established a codified set of urban patterns that both represented and explained Roman urban values to its expanding populace. Finally, the Roman contributions, particularly the colony and fora patterns that evolved in Gaul, will be examined in detail using the colonial capital of Lyon as the primary example. As new socio-political systems evolved - the polis in Athens and the Empire in Rome - correlating urban forms developed in support of them. In the ancient city, the city and the public realm were the containers for ritual action - and the architecture that developed reflected this basic purpose of the city.

"Are the Letters of Horace Satires?" (Hendrickson 1897: 313). In response to this question, this thesis investigates whether Horace's Sermones and Epistulae 1 all belong to the genre of satura. Ancient and modern evidence from the use of the terms Sermones, Epistulae, and satura, is surveyed, and is found to be inconclusive, but not to preclude Epist. 1 as satura. The nature of specifically Horatian satura is ascertained from the text of Serm. 1, especially Serm. 1.1 and the explicitly literary Serm. 1.4 and 1.10. The redefinition of Lucilian satura, and its political implications are also considered. To confirm Epist. 1 as satura a sequential reading of the three libelli is undertaken, tracing the evolution of the theme of locus: place, both as geographical location, and as status, place in the social hierarchy, in the context of the socio-political environment of the time of composition. Serm. 1.1 as a programmatic poem is shown to establish Epicurean moderation as a prerequisite for a vita beata. In Serm. 1 Horace's status as client-poet of Maecenas and Octavian initially permits this ideal lifestyle in the Urbs. The misperceptions of outsiders lead to a preference for a life of Epicurean quietude in the rus in Serm. 2, although Horace's aequanimitas is disturbed by urban officia, and abuse of libertas dicendi associated particularly with Stoicism. The ideal of rural withdrawal is reinforced in Epist. 1 through an exploration of appropriate behaviour in relationships with potentes amici. Horace's addressees cover the entire range of the social hierarchy, and in his letters he utilizes the arguments of moral philosophy, thus reconciling poetry and philosophy. He achieves a pragmatic compromise whereby he can enjoy libertas in his role as a poet, while acknowledging that personal libertas and true aequanimitas are still to be attained.