This work attempts to characterize internal modernization and international expansion of Russian speaking organized crime. Special emphasis is placed on the main stages of development of organized crime in the Soviet Union and its current state primarily in Russia and Ukraine. The paper proffer the new definition of modern forms of organized crime and different characteristics of regimes as for the relations between the state and organized crime (criminal syndicalism, mafia, state kleptocracy). The paper characterizes different types of international expansion of Russian speaking groups (regional expansion, global retirement and emigration). In this regard, research was focused primarily on the activities of the Russian speaking organized crime groups in the EU and the Czech Republic. In the last phase of the work I focused my research on some important measured how to reduce risk in the current conditions. Though the work is primarily devoted to organized crime from the CIS countries, it should be noted, modernization of organized crime everywhere in the world takes place by a similar manner. It was therefore necessary to briefly address the wider contextual issues. Working so many places highlights some aspects of the development of organized crime in Italy, USA , Czech Republic, Japan and China.

Nostalgia for the Soviet past has been relevant for more than three decades since the demise of the USSR in 1991. The first scholars who studied this phenomenon believed that it related to backward Soviet mentality typical of the old generations. However, with the passage of time it has become clear that young people also not only express interest in the Soviet legacy, but many of them clearly state that they have nostalgia for the USSR. Here, we encounter an intriguing question: can we contend that nostalgia may be provoked by the live experience only, or it can be a longing for the unexperienced past? Nowadays, there are many online nostalgic Russian-speaking communities that provide rich material for studying post-Soviet nostalgia. But Russian language should not be confused with “Russianness”. Moreover, as we go deeper into this topic, we understand that those people who are nostalgic for the USSR, experience longing for different aspects of the Soviet life, depending on their ethnic belonging. This study addresses the difference between Russians who long for the grandeur of the Soviet Union which was the most powerful and effective embodiment of the Russian empire, and the representatives of other nationalities who have another perspective on their Soviet past. This thesis deals a lot with the issue of values, because, as it is shown in the research, longing for socialism is not a matter of age, but rather a matter of values. The most essential point which is recalled by many nostalgic persons is aspiration for the future. Now Russia and other post-Soviet countries do not have a clear plan for the future, while the USSR provided its population with a goal for future development. On the other hand, many nostalgic subjects admit, that a unique spirituality that was embedded in Soviet life is lost. It is another paradox, because the Soviet state was atheist, and now in Russia and other former Soviet republics, religion plays a significant role, however, the decrease of morals in comparison to Soviet times is apparent. Therefore, this thesis discusses compatibility of Communist (socialist) values and religion. Many nostalgic subjects feel that the USSR was a bastion of science and technological advancement in comparison to the backward obscurantist Russia of today. They mourn the downfall of the USSR as a failed project of modernity. This is another important topic that is addressed in the thesis. This study is based on online ethnographies of a few nostalgic communities on three Russian-speaking internet platforms: VKontakte, Odnoklassniki and Facebook. Initially, the focus of the study was on a group level of analysis, but the most valuable portion of this project turned out to be interviews conducted with individual participants of the studied communities. The research participants were from the following countries: Belarus, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Russian and Ukraine. The task of this research was to understand the nature of their nostalgia and to reveal their visions of the to-be-restored USSR. Depending on their worldviews (socialist/ non-socialist, nationalist/internationalist) the research participants provided very different and instructive pictures of this new potential unity which the researcher approached from the perspective of Benedict Anderson’s theory on imagined communities.

Cette thèse présente une analyse du mode de production chinois depuis les réformes économiques de 1978. Notre recherche prend la forme d’une analyse comparative de la structure économique et sociale de la NEP soviétique et des réformes chinoises en utilisant un cadre théorique marxiste. Notre thèse postule que le mode de production chinois moderne suit une logique semblable au mode de production soviétique à l’époque de la NEP. À la lumière de l’expérience de la NEP, notre recherche montre que la stratégie de développement chinoise ne doit pas être comprise comme étant vers une évolution néolibérale, mais plutôt comme une évolution originale du marxisme, s’inscrivant dans la tradition du marxisme-léninisme, adapté à la cohabitation à un système capitaliste mondialisé. Le modèle de la NEP est l’un des premiers exemples d’un type de socialisme basé en partie sur les relations de marchés. En URSS comme en Chine, les structures critiques de l’économie, une grande régulation et un certain niveau de planification économique sont à la base de ce modèle de marché socialiste. Le socialisme de marché soviétique est basé sur une accommodation avec la paysannerie ainsi que sur les relations de marchés entre paysans et entre petites et moyennes firmes publiques. Le socialisme de marché chinois est lui basé sur l’extraversion de l’économie dans un cadre de modernisation technologique. Les relations de marchés sont aussi importantes en Chine dans l’allocation des ressources aux entreprises. La planification économique est le modèle chinois, mais s’opère dans une optique de coordination économique. Le modèle économique de la NEP et chinois partageant tous deux les mêmes objectifs qui sont théorisés dans le courant marxiste comme étant les bases d’une société socialiste : une modernisation technologique, la construction d’une classe ouvrière, une industrialisation et une amélioration de la qualité de vie de la population. À travers l’étude de la présente structure économique et sociale chinoise, il est possible de vérifier qu’un très grand progrès s’est effectué dans la réalisation de ces objectifs. / This thesis presents an analysis of the Chinese mode of production since the economic reforms of 1978. Our research takes the form of a comparative analysis of the economic and social structure of the Soviet NEP and Chinese reforms using a Marxist theoretical framework. Our thesis postulates that the modern Chinese mode of production follows a logic similar to the Soviet mode of production during the NEP era. In the light of the NEP experience, our research shows that the Chinese development strategy should not be understood as a neoliberal evolution, but rather as an original evolution of Marxism, in line with the tradition of Marxism-Leninism, adapted to the cohabitation with a globalized capitalist system. The NEP model is one of the earliest examples of a type of socialism based in part on market relations. In the USSR as in China, the critical structures of the economy, strong regulations and a certain level of economic planning are the basis of this socialist market model. Soviet market socialism is based on peaceful compromise with the peasantry as well as on market relations between peasants and between small and medium public firms. Chinese market socialism is based on the extraversion of the economy within a framework of technological modernization. Market relations are also important in China in the allocation of resources to companies. Economic planning is at the basis of the Chinese model but is carried out within the context of economic coordination. The economic model of the NEP and the Chinese reforms both share the same objectives which are theorized in the Marxist current as being the foundations of a socialist society: technological modernization, the construction of a working-class, industrialization and improvement of the quality of life of the population. Through the study of the present Chinese economic and social structure, it is possible to verify that great progress has been made in achieving these goals.

In recent times, the issues surrounding the "67 borders" have become part of the public debate. In recent speeches, President Obama has suggested that Israel should return to pre-1967 borders with "land-swaps" in exchange for some form of peace with the Palestinians living within current Israeli territory. The validity of Obama's suggestion has been questioned by both members of the political left and right and in the opinion of this author, with considerable merit. However, the ultimate judgment on the validity of Obama's suggestion should be based on a study encompassing the decisions, both correct and flawed, of the leaders during the 1967 war. For this, a study of collective misperceptions, decision making, and the eventual consequences such decisions brought is necessary. That is the purpose of this thesis. For a proper analysis of the misperceptions and decision making surrounding the 1967 war, its proper to review the source material. In that light, there is no shortage of material written about the 1967 war; American, Israel, and Arab authors have all contributed to the historical records. However, much of the material is focused on a historical perspective and not on the decision-making process. There are not many exceptions. Therefore, it becomes important to compare the newer analyzed material against the primary source material and discuss the discrepancies. At the end, it will be determined whether the collective governmental decisions based upon misperceptions accelerated, decelerated, or had a neutral effect on the outbreak of the war. Comparing the source material and viewing it through the filter of newly released information will constitute the methodology whenever possible. The results of this study have revealed a mixed bag of results depending on the nation in question. This was to be expected because individual nations are subject to different misperceptions.; Nations falling under the spell of different misperceptions experience different consequences and outcomes than those who do not. Additionally, even if two separate nations are exposed to the same stimulus, their response may be completely different. In terms of the 1967 war, it can be stated that Israeli misperceptions staved off the start of the 1967 War, whereas Soviet and Arab misperceptions served to accelerate it. By contrast American misperceptions seemed to have little if any affect whatsoever. The purpose of thesis is to expose and documents misperceptions and the resulting consequences that arose from them. It is not designed to make judgments about the current political situation. However, it is the sincere hope of this author that when a situation runs parallel to the events of the 1967, some of the same mistakes can be avoided. Exactly what runs parallel, and what is significant in today's world, is left to the reader's own judgment.

No description available.

L’effondrement du communisme en 1991 en Russie a conduit à la révision des manuels scolaires d’histoire en Russie et dans les anciennes républiques de l’URSS. Ce travail propose d’évaluer l’histoire récente post-communiste enseignée dans les classes supérieures du secondaire dans trois pays post-communistes. Nous allons s’attarder sur la présentation des divers périodes historiques de l’histoire Soviétique dans les manuels scolaires d’histoire en Russie, Ukraine et Estonie. Ce travail tente également d’examiner les diverses approches dans l’enseignement d’histoire dans ces trois pays, ainsi que de répondre à la question comment les nouveaux manuels redéfinissent la perception de la culture et d’histoire des élèves dans chaque pays. / Our work will examine the crucial rupture between Soviet and Russian history from 1985 (1991 in some cases) through 2010, during which rival political leaders of Ukraine, Estonia and Russia had an opportunity to develop and attempt to impose their visions of their respective national identities and their history. The main goal of this study is to provide a new understanding of the connection between history, ideology, and development of national consciousness. The focus of the previous research in this domain concentrated on each studied country in particular. Mainstream historiography left unnoticed particularities in the development of new political discourse in the peripheral states that emerged from the collapse of the Soviet Union. The proposed study project will examine the consequences of the dissolution of the USSR on the socio-political situation in Eastern Europe. It should shed light on the effects the collapse of the Soviet Union had on the intensification of ethnic, nationalist and religious discourse in several former socialist republics. We conducted a comparative study of recent history textbooks in several countries of Eastern Europe (in Russia, Ukraine and Estonia) and analyzed the new content of post-Soviet history textbooks used in Eastern European Secondary schools. Each of these countries followed a distinct path; therefore we aimed to reveal their particular search for a new national identity and citizenship during the transitional period. / В рамках данной работы мы изучили преподавание истории в школах трех постсоветских государств: России, Украины и Эстонии. Было также уделено внимание восприятию истории ХХ века населением этих стран. Были собраны, частично переведены с национальных языков и проанализированы около 50 школьных учебников истории для старших классов из России, Украины и Эстонии. Изученные учебники являются наиболее массовыми и иногда даже единственными в своем роде в школах этих государств. Анализ школьных учебников истории, приведенный в этой работе, показывает, что в отличие от России, Украина и Эстония пошли по пути преподавания подрастающему поколению националистической трактовки истории, основанной на мифах о древности своего народа, о высокой культурной миссии предков и о «заклятом враге». Россия, в свою очередь, сделала ставку на патриотическое воспитание нового поколения, умалчивая неприятные эпизоды из прошлого и прелагая новый, «позитивный» подход к изучению истории. Эта работа ставит цель не только проанализировать сложившуюся ситуацию в школьном образовании в Восточной Европе после распада Советского Союза, но и оценить роль преподавания истории в создании особенной, уникальной и, зачастую, националистической идеологии.

L’ascension de Vladimir Poutine à la présidence de la Russie fut un point tournant dans l’histoire de la Russie et de ses relations avec l’occident. Lorsqu’il est comparé aux politiques plus pro-occidentales de son prédécesseur, Boris Eltsine, le nouveau nationalisme russe de Poutine changea la relation de la Russie avec l’Occident. Ce texte utilise des articles publiés dans quatre journaux influents de l’Occident—le Washington Post, le New York Times, le Guardian et l’Independent—pour montrer comment l’Occident percevait la Russie entre 1999 et 2008. Poutine fut longuement critiqué pour avoir transformé la « démocratie », instauré par l’Occident dans les années postsoviétiques, en autocratie qui reflétait plus le contexte politico-social traditionnel russe. La Russie refusa de se soumettre aux intérêts de l’Occident. Les médias populaires occidentaux, reflétant les intérêts de leurs gouvernements respectifs, ont rondement critiqué la nouvelle direction de la Russie. L’obligation perçue par les médias occidentaux de promouvoir la « démocratie » autour du globe les a menés à condamner Poutine et la Russie, ce qui créa un sentiment de « russophobie ». / The ascension of Vladimir Putin to the Russian presidency was a turning point in the history of Russia. Using articles from four influential western newspapers—the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Guardian and the Independent—this text will show the West perceived Russia during Putin’s between 1999 and 2008. Putin was heavily criticized as he was moving the country away from the “democracy” installed by the West after the Cold War, to a path more in line with traditional Russian principles. Russia refused to be subservient to Western interests. The western mainstream media reflected their government’s interests and critiqued Russia’s new path. The western media’s perceived obligation to promote “freedom” and “democracy” around the world has led it to condemn Russia and Putin and to create a sense of “russophobia” in the West.

This study makes use not only of German documents captured during the Second World War but of personal accounts of major figures of the Third Reich and their testimony at the Nuremberg Trials. Organized into five chapters, this study surveys Nazi- Soviet relations from 1939 to 1941, from the German viewpoint, with emphasis on Adolf Hitler's assessment of Russian policies and Germany's wartime situation, both of which factors shaped his decision to invade the USSR. The conclusion is that Hitler saw his attack on the Soviet Union as a preventive war, carried out to destroy a growing threat to the Reich. He interpreted Russian activities during the period 1939-1941 as designed to strengthen the USSR strategically against Germany in preparation for intervention in the ongoing conflict with Britain.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Ce mémoire se veut être un alliage de connaissances historiques théoriques et de leur mise en application dans un contexte académique de niveau collégial. L’objet principal est de comparer l’historiographie savante, écrite par des historiens chercheurs, au contenu de quatre manuels de Cégep, rédigés par des pédagogues de formation historienne, à propos des relations internationales soviétiques à l’ère de la sécurité collective. / This thesis aims to be an alloy of historical and theoretical knowledge and of their implementation in a collegial academic context. Its main purpose is to compare the scholarly historiography content, written by historians, researchers, to an extract of four College Manuals, written by teacher training historians, about Soviet international relations at the era of collective security.