Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Dec 29, 2009). Includes bibliographical references.

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The Author in his work deals with the transformation of the image of members of the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army in a film during the 20th century. Initial chapters are devoted to general aspects of use of movies in Memory studies and the development of the film industry in the USSR. The main part of the work focuses primarily on image of the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army in film of Soviet origin, the use of symbols and images and propaganda frameworks of Soviet filmmaking during the "short" 20th century, extending to the period after 1989 and examining the surviving Soviet discourse in it. To process the author uses Ego documents, contemporary press, studies, monographs and publicated archival sources.

xiii, 202 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / This dissertation examines the relationship between democracy and international economic ties. The effects of economic processes on domestic politics have long been a subject for debate in the literature: some authors argue that economic liberalization advances democracy, while others advocate that economic liberalization impedes democracy. I argue that both sides of the debate omitted an important factor in the analyses of trade ties and democracy. The empirical studies predominantly used the volumes of international trade, without analyzing the structural position of trade partners in the international political arena. I argue that it is not how much a country trades, but the kind of states it trades with that determines its democracy. I analyze the current theories of democracy and identify that the main weakness of these theories is the inability to incorporate international processes and globalization in the analysis of democratization. I show that World-Systems theory (WST) can improve current theories of democracy. I employ WST and a number of alternative theories to create theoretical models of democracy. I then discuss the relevance of the former Soviet states to WST and to the analysis of democracy. I further construct a panel data set and apply pooled time-series regression, using three indexes of democracy as the dependent variables and two sets of theoretically distinct control variables. I find a negative relationship between core-periphery trade and democracy, and a positive relationship between trade openness and democracy in the periphery, which supports my main argument that trade ties must be reexamined based on the structural position of the trade partners. Contrary to conventional application of WST, the structure of the core-periphery trade shows that the core uses its economic ties to politically exploit the periphery, not the other way around. Hence, international trade is identified as a major tool for the modern hegemonies to broaden their political influence. Lastly, I found that both within- and between-states sets of control variables had influential predictors, which points out that modern theories of democracy must be restructured to incorporate multiple international processes in the analysis of the domestic politics of a state. / Advisers: Vallon Burris, Robert O'Brien

La révolution mémorielle qui a marqué la période de la Glasnost, puis la fin de l’URSS ont mis l’enseignement russe devant l’obligation de revoir le contenu des manuels scolaires d’histoire, ainsi que les modalités de leur fonctionnement. Dans les années 1990, la recherche d’une nouvelle grille de lecture de l’histoire nationale du 20ème siècle, enseignée durant les dernières années du curriculum scolaire russe, se trouvait au cœur des débats sur les manuels d’histoire. Les auteurs de ces derniers, qui agissaient désormais dans le cadre de l’économie du marché, oscillaient entre le rejet de l’héritage du passé et la persistance des représentations et approches soviétiques. Depuis le début des années 2000, de multiples injonctions et discours des présidents de la Fédération de Russie (Vladimir Poutine et Dimitri Medvedev) et de leurs ministres ont démontré la volonté de contrôler le choix et le contenu des manuels. Tout cela laissait soupçonner que les autorités politiques avaient l’intention d’instrumentaliser l’histoire nationale, et plus particulièrement celle du 20ème siècle, dans le but d’assurer leur légitimité. De nombreux changements apparaissant dans les manuels des années 2000 et 2010 (tels que la réévaluation de la figure de Staline, le renforcement de l’image de l’Etat fort, le retour de l’idée de l’hostilité de l’Occident ou encore la justification de la géopolitique russe et soviétique) semblent confirmer l’hypothèse selon laquelle le gouvernement cherche à déculpabiliser l’histoire tout en offrant une légitimité historique à sa politique. Cependant, l’analyse des textes de plus de 70 manuels d’histoire postsoviétiques et du contexte de leur publication nous plonge au cœur d’un processus complexe, impliquant de nombreux acteurs. / The revolution in public consciousness that marked the period of Glasnost, and the USSR collapse that followed, compelled Russian Ministry of Education to review the content of history textbooks, as well as the whole process of textbook writing. In the 1990s, the debate on history textbooks focused on the search for a new view of 20th century Russian history taught in the final years of the Russian secondary school curriculum. The textbook authors, now working in the context of the market economy, vacillated between rejection of the legacy of the past and a persistently Soviet point of view. Since the early 2000s, several directives and speeches of Russian presidents Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev and their ministers have demonstrated the government’s willingness to control the available range of history textbooks and their content. The directives and speeches suggest that political authorities intended to exploit national history, particularly that of the 20th century period, in order to assert their legitimacy. In fact, we can observe many changes in textbooks from the 2000s and the 2010s, such as the re-evaluation of the historical figure of Stalin, the strengthening of the image of a strong State, the return of the concept of Western hostility and the justification of Russian and Soviet geopolitics. This seems to confirm the hypothesis that the government seeks to whitewash the national history while providing its policy with historical legitimacy. However, an analysis of the texts of more than 70 post-Soviet history books and the context of their publication reveals a complex process involving many different actors.

L’objectif de ce mémoire consiste à mesurer l’impact de la guerre civile espagnole sur l’attitude du Front populaire français face à la collaboration avec l’Union soviétique de 1936 à 1937. Il prend forme dans une étude d’opinion publique et journalistique basée sur un sondage de trois quotidiens français rattachés au Front populaire durant les années 1930, c’est-à-dire L’Humanité, Le Populaire et L’Œuvre. L’analyse s’articule à travers les événements survenus de 1936 à 1937 comme la ratification du pacte d’assistance mutuelle franco-soviétique, l’élection du Front populaire et l’éclatement de la guerre civile espagnole. L’impact du conflit en Espagne se mesure en fait dans l’intensification de la polarisation politique qui influence l’attitude du Front populaire face à la collaboration avec l’Union soviétique. Malgré l’avènement d’un nouveau gouvernement de Front populaire, l’éclatement de la guerre civile espagnole élève la polarisation politique entre la gauche et la droite en France, entamée depuis 1934, à son point culminant. Sans une solide coalition entre la gauche et le centre droit, la sécurité collective menée par l’URSS ne pouvait réussir. Si certains journalistes sont tentés par la politique d’apaisement, d’autres élaborent une vision plus perspicace et réaliste sur la menace que représentent l’Allemagne nazie et l’importance du rapprochement franco-soviétique. / The objective of this research is to measure the impact of the Spanish Civil War on the attitude of the French Popular Front about the collaboration with Soviet Union from 1936 to 1937. It takes shape in a political and journalistic opinion study based on a survey of three French daily newspapers attached to the Popular Front during the 1930s, namely L’Humanité, Le Populaire and L’Œuvre. The analysis is articulated through the events of 1936 to 1937 such as the ratification of the Franco-Soviet mutual assistance pact, the election of the Popular Front and the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. The impact of the conflict in Spain is in fact measured in the intensification of the political polarization in France which influence the attitude of de Popular Front about the collaboration with Soviet Union. Despite the advent of a new Popular Front government, the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War elevated the political polarization between the left and the right in France, which started in 1934, at its peak. Without a strong coalition between the left and the center right, collective security led by the USSR could not succeed. While some journalists are tempted by the appeasement policy, others develop a more clear-sighted and realistic vision of the threat posed by Nazi Germany and the importance of a close Franco-Soviet relationship.

This thesis deals with how three chosen Czech daily newspapers - Rudé právo, Mladá fronta (later Mladá fronta DNES) and Lidové noviny - wrote about significant events that took place in the union republics during the last three years of the Soviet Union's existence (1989-1991). It specifically focuses on those events through which the republics were trying to regain freedom and independence for themselves - either through protests, or in a political matter. The thesis also addresses events that were somehow groundbreaking or during which ordinary people, who went to the streets to express their dissaproval of current political situation or to defend legally elected bodies, lost their lives. The thesis uses qualitative analysis to find out if there was a difference in how these three selected Czech newspapers wrote about such events in the context of changes that occured in the Czech political and media system, and if each own coverage somehow evolved.

The diploma thesis called "Motives and Results of The Great Terror in the USSR 1936-1938 in historic discussion" analyzes in broad terms progression of the scientific discussion in an international scientific world on one of the most important of Soviet history. It means bloody purges in late thirties. In the strict sense the diploma thesis has to assess two aspects of world's scholarship on this topic. Motives of the great purges and results of repressive policy in qualitative and quantitative terms. A special attention is to be given to a problem of eventual ideological approach of scholars. This paper has to present a main trends in global research of "The Great Terror" and stalinism respectively too. Next: to study an effect of objective circumstancies on the research (particularly fall of the USSR and so called archive revolution in 1991). A final part writes on contemporary achievement in a global research and on meanings of narrow problems 1936-1938 in a stalinism research in whole. Last word is dedicated to an relations of academia public to changes in terms of an official interpretations of history of stalinism in the Russian Federation.

The relationship between Czech and Russian avantgarde has not been properly examined, therefore the aim of this research was to understand the real facts and uncover “ the blind spots“ connected with the specific development of avantgarde architecture in Czechoslovakia and Soviet Union. A comprehensive and moreless thorough detailed reconstruction of the interwar period has been created with the help of comparative and historiographic analysis. This period used to be interpreted quite contrarily under the political pressure of the Soviet regime. The thesis analyses the influence of the political regime on architecture, determines the reflection of the events in the Soviet Union on the opinions of Czechoslovak architects by means of testimonies about mutual contacts, mutual criticism and cooperation in the sphere of architecture. The thesis brings and concludes new information regarding Czech architects who were designing and working in the Soviet Union. The research is based on archive documents, articles from specialized contemporary magazines and debates between Czech and Russian architects.

The period of late Stalinism (1948-1953) witnessed sharp rise of anti-Jewish animosity and discrimination from the part of the Soviet regime. These tensions were caused by both domestic factors (ideological diversification of Soviet intellectual elite, escalation of Jewish nationalism, struggle for power among highest nomenclature) as well as international factors (transformation of the Soviet-Israeli relations, rise of the Cold War). The thesis analyzes, how these circumstances were reflected at that time. Therefore it tries to identify, how the image of "The Jude" was formed by the Soviet propaganda and how it changed in the given time period. As a general framework for this analysis the concept of "The Enemy" will serve which is considered to be one of the basic elements of totalitarian ideologies. The thesis examines by means of semiotic method two significant propaganda campaigns of that period, namely campaign against the "cosmopolitism" in January - March 1949 and campaign accompanying "The Doctors' Plot" during January - March 1953. It would try to identify, how the image of "The Enemy" was connected at that time with the notion of "The Jew".