Throughout history, recurring instances of genocide have subjected specific groups and minorities to severe human rights violations. The most significant aspect of genocide is the international community's response, which often proves ineffective due to delayed reactions and self-interest. Currently, the Uyghur genocide is unfolding, with millions of innocent Uyghur Muslims enduring arbitrary detentions and being labeled as terrorists by the People's Republic of China (PRC). This thesis aims to investigate the discursive strategies employed by the international community when discussing the human rights abuses targeting the Uyghur minority in Xingang. Additionally, it will analyze China's response to the international backlash and its utilization of sophisticated discursive methods. Through a discourse analysis and a theoretical framework rooted in poststructuralism, incorporating concepts of discourse and deconstruction, both perspectives will be critically examined and compared.

This thesis aims to understand the experiences of the Somali Bantu and the Uyghur ethnic group. This study compares the differences and similarities in these groups' political representation and human rights access. Moreover, the method used to conduct this research is the Comparative Analysis Method. The Somali Bantu struggle with social and political marginalisation by Somalia's 4.5 formula and unfair representation due to the clan-based system. Meanwhile, the Uyghurs experience symbolic representation within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Furthermore, both minority groups are marginalised and discriminated against due to cultural, religious and social differences from the majority group; the Social Dominance Theory (SDT) is applied to understand these dynamics. Finally, the study examines alleged human rights violations by applying several international human rights documents, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

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In recent years, China has become an increasingly influential actor in Muslim-majority countries the world over. This is despite growing international condemnation of Beijing’s imprisonment of Muslims living in northwestern Xinjiang province, in so-called "vocational training schools" where their religious identities are forcibly assimilated under the guise of counter-extremism. Nevertheless, Muslim-majority countries have remained silent or even supportive of China's treatment of its Muslim minorities. This seemingly contradictory policy position is frequently explained by citing these countries’ dependence on Chinese trade and investment in their economic and infrastructural development, however this argument inadequately assesses other important factors behind these countries’ support for China’s treatment of its Muslim minorities. Beyond the theory of economic necessity and the equally realist consideration of security ties, this research further posits that Muslim-majority states support or defend China’s treatment of Muslims in order to secure Chinese ideological support to defend themselves from reproach against their own domestic policies towards separatist movements and religious extremists. To evaluate these hypotheses, this thesis examines the engagement of some key Muslim-majority states with China by analyzing realpolitik factors like (1) economic relations; and (2) security and military cooperation; as well as more ideological factors, namely whether or not they share a common vulnerability to (3) domestic secessionist movements challenging their authority; or to (4) religious extremism that threatens state security. This research examines the economic and security relations between China and six of the most geopolitically significant Muslim- majority countries (Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Indonesia, Pakistan and Turkey), as well the influence of secessionism and religious extremism in each country. It then assesses the analytical validity of these four hypotheses, and concludes that the ideological considerations consisting of common vulnerability to secessionism and/or religious extremism, exhibited the greatest explanatory power for predicting Muslim-majority countries’ level of support for China's treatment of Muslims. Although realpolitik considerations like economic and security cooperation with China can also clearly be seen to influence the position of Muslim-majority countries on this issue, ideological factors like obtaining Chinese support for their suppression of secessionist movements or religious extremism are clearly paramount. In addition to these four variables, this research also briefly acknowledges the explanatory potential of other ideological factors in influencing the support of Muslim-majority countries for China's policies towards its Muslim minorities. These include factors like regime type, the prevalence of anti- American sentiment, as well as the desire to form an alliance with China against Western democracies and the norms and standards they espouse in multilateral organizations. Ultimately, this dissertation demonstrates that China has already achieved widespread political and ideological support among the developing countries of the Global South, including many Muslim-majority countries. If Western democracies wish to exert pressure on China to change its behaviour, they will first need to win back the support of the Global South by offering a suitable alternative source of political, economic and security support, while foregoing neocolonial demands to enact changes to their domestic political systems.

哈密（Qamul）地區位天山山脈東段內，自古即是東西交通路線上的 重要據點，也是定居性的農業民族與移動性的游牧民族重疊的活動區。十 四世紀中葉，其東方的中原朝廷元朝為明朝所取代，但明朝的擴張則受制 於北元的牽制；其西方的東察合台汗國內部各地方政治勢力分立，無法形 凝具成一股強大的政治勢力，故蒙裔宗室肅王忽納失里於洪武二十三年得 盤據在哈密地區正式形成「哈密政權」。哈密政權建立後，不斷地周旋於 周圍各大勢力之間。永樂四年明朝將哈密政權納入其羈縻衛所的體系之中 ；嘉靖八年，以吐魯番政權為首的東察合台汗國奪得哈密地區，哈密政權 在失去其真實的國家領域後，亦為其國祚劃上休止符。本文即在研究哈密 政權的如何形成、持續與覆亡的過程。

This thesis analyses tha impact of the Xinjiang Problem on the foreign policy of China. Because of its strategic location and natural resources, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region has great importance for China. this thesis argues that Chinese foreign policy towards Central Asian region has been shaped by security considerations of China related to the Xinjiang Problem. the Xinjiang Problem shapes China&#039 / s foreign relaitons wsth Central Asian States, Russia, the U.S. and Turkey becouse this problem has became important element of China&#039 / s territorial integrity as well ass its strategy of stabilizing Central Asian region.

Scholars have extensively detailed China’s conflation of the Uyghur issue in Xinjiang with the international war on terror following September 11, 2001. Less studied is how the U.S. responded to China’s framing of the Uyghur as terrorists, and of the Chinese government’s characterization of Xinjiang as a region fraught with violence and extremism. On the whole, scholars who have addressed this latter issue conclude that China successfully coopted the U.S., and consequently cracked down on Xinjiang without substantial international outrage. On the basis of a review of official U.S. documents before and after 9/11, I argue that the U.S. response to China’s framing of the Uyghur is not as clear-cut, and that multiple and conflicting U.S. responses emerged to the Uyghur-terrorist discourse. Specifically, the U.S. shifted from purely framing the Uyghur as victims of human rights abuses to projecting three new frames onto the Uyghur: victims of the war on terror; a minority group that may resort to violent methods of protest; and suspected terrorists. This new interpretation holds important ramifications for how scholars should understand China’s treatment of the Uyghur, as well as for Sino-U.S. relations.

Cette thèse porte sur la mise en scène des répertoires traditionnels ouïghours, dans sa forme musicale, chorégraphique et théâtrale. Depuis plusieurs décennies, les grands spectacles pluridisciplinaires mettent en scène l’héritage culturel ouïghour. Ces spectacles, créés par les artistes de la communauté eux-mêmes, visent cette même communauté. Ils passent par des processus de réarrangement, de canonisation et surtout de théâtralisation (à l’occidentale) pour rendre l’art traditionnel brut présentable sur une scène. Ces constats mènent à s’interroger sur la manière dont la société ouïghour contemporaine écoute ses musiques et regarde ses danses. Les questions du rôle de l’art et de la culture dans la vie quotidienne et de leur impact sur le sentiment d’appartenance nationale sont au cœur de ces réflexions. Ce travail s’intéresse à l’origine de la professionnalisation issue des mouvements réformistes dans les années 1920-30. La création de troupes artistiques a joué à la fois un rôle éducatif et divertissant, mais aussi de symbole de résistance. Au cours du siècle, ce mouvement artistique a traversé plusieurs périodes, parfois même douloureuses. Mais aujourd’hui, la scène artistique est productive et de plus en plus active. Cette thèse s'appuyant sur l’étude de sources, sur des enquêtes de terrain, l’analyse des discours et des spectacles, essaye de dégager les mécanismes de représentation de soi des artistes ouïghours, en tant que peuple et nation, aux yeux du monde extérieur. En affirmant l'identité ethnique, ces mises en scènes participent efficacement à la construction nationale, un combat qui touche toute la communauté ouïghour, et tente de dresser une image reconnue tant par ses membres qu’aux yeux du monde. / This thesis focuses on the staging of Uyghur traditional art in its musical, chorographical and theatrical forms. For decades, large multidisciplinary performances depicted the Uyghur cultural heritages. Distended to share with their own, these performances are created by the artists of the community. Rearrangement, canonization, dramatizing (in Western style) are used to transform traditional art, to be more attractive on stage. This created an outstanding “bricolage” of all aspect of one culture, to be put in one space and in a limited time. These findings lead to questioning the ways of listening to music and watching dance in contemporary Uighur society. Equally, this phenomenon questions the role of art and culture in their everyday life. Furthermore, the impact of all these transformation on the sense of national identity is at the heart of our reflections. This thesis is interested in the origin of artistic professionalization established by the reform movements in the 1920s-30s, which played a role of educating and at the same time entertaining the population/poeple, and became a symbole of resistence in the region. Today, the stage represents an important aspect of uyghur society. After many years of fieldwork, analysing the discourse and different kinds of professional performances this thesis identifies the self- representation mechanisms of Uyghurs, as one nation, one ethnic group, to the outside world. It relies on historical sources, years of fieldwork in different regions of Xinjiang, includes different kinds of professional or amateur performances, and interviews of the actors and experts's discourse.