Profesora Milagros Betancourt Catalá, docente de Derecho Internacional Público de la Universidad Católica Andrés Bello (Venezuela) / - Profesor Juan Carlos Sainz-Borgo, Decano de la Universidad de la Paz de las Naciones Unidas (Costa Rica) / - Doctor Blas Imbroda Ortiz, Doctor en Derecho, Presidente de la Subcomisión de Extranjería y Protección Internacional del Consejo General de la Abogacía Española (España) / - Profesora Soranib Hernández de Deffendini, docente de Derecho Internacional en la Universidad Carlos III (España) / - Profesora Carmen Alguindigue, representante legal de víctimas en los Exámenes Preliminares de Venezuela (Andorra) / Reflexionar sobre si hay o no razones materiales para que la Fiscalía de la Corte Penal Internacional inicie la investigación formal para establecer la responsabilidad penal individual internacional.

The aim of this paper is to investigate how international, national and local actors have handled the Venezuelan migration in the state of Roraima. It uses the Multi-Level Governance perspective in order to analyze the different levels of actors, being those; international, national and local that are involved in this situation. Interviews, observation and document analysis are the methods used in order to collect and analyze data for this research. This thesis finds that the Venezuelan migration has been handled by different actors in a multi-level type of governance, where decision-making is shared across these levels.

Thesis (Civ.E)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Civil Engineering, 1981 / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ENGINEERING. / Bibliography: leaves 107-108. / by Robert William Day. / Civ.E

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Den här studien är tvådelad, den första delen är en kvalitativ empirisk textanalys medkvantitativa inslag, av Sveriges fyra största tidningar. Den undersöker förändringen i bildenav Venezuelas president mellan 1998 och 2007. Den andra delen försöker utifrån engramscianskt inspirerad syn förklara hur den ”borgerliga hegemonin” (som representeras avovanstående tidningar) har hanterat Chavez som fenomen. Slutsatsen är att Hugo Chavezprogressiva reformer ständigt knyts an till negativa sammanhang som att han är antidemokratoch frotterar sig med diktatorer.

No / The victory of former lieutenant colonel Hugo Chavez in the Venezuelan presidential elections of 1998 was criticized as a blow against the country's deep-seated democratic tradition. It is claimed that this simplistic argument fails to recognize the extent of democratic deterioration in the country and the limitations imposed by discredited political actors on a meaningful democratic reform process. The book aims to break new ground in providing unseen evidence of electoral fraud and offers a fresh perspective on the nature of democratic development.

One key to CSR’s success has been its fuzzy definition, whereby its meaning is constantly (re)defined by practice and through the dialectical relationship between companies and their stakeholders. This thesis focuses upon the influence of MNOCs’ socio-political field upon their CSR (rather than upon specific CSR projects), from a critical realist perspective, contributing to existing research in three key ways. Firstly, I present original explanatory models that outline the practice of CSR in Colombia and Venezuela. From these models, I develop further models that categorise the types of CSR practiced in each country. I argue that Colombia follows a conventional model of private-led CSR; by contrast, the Venezuelan model pushes the boundaries of more traditional CSR definitions. Given the government’s dirigiste approach, I categorise the Venezuelan model as an example of a new form of CSR, that I call Regulated CSR (RCSR), noting the inherent contradictions of regulating to increase responsibility. Secondly, I produce original research on MNOCs’ CSR reports, examining how MNOCs’ agency is affected by global socio-political discourses. Paradoxically, whilst CSR is an important element of corporate communication, many MNOCs only disclose limited CSR-related information. Thirdly, this thesis contributes to the growing discussion of CSR’s role within the neoliberal paradigm. I argue that CSR is not and cannot be a panacea for social absences and can have negative social effects. Therefore, appropriate regulation is necessary, starting with greater corporate transparency at an international level to level-up MNOCs’ practices, and national oversight of MNOCs’ CSR budgets and practices.

Contrary to the assumptions of realist theory, this thesis suggests that reality is subjected to social constructions. The national discourse of one country constitutes the context from which societies will generate perceptions and ideas about another society. It is from these socially constructed ideas that states' interests are formed. States interests are what constitute the foreign policy of a country. Given that the United States is the world's hegemon, understanding the process by which countries' interests take shape and evolve will give the United States social awareness and strategic advantage to lead the world's current speedy integration with less volatile rivalries. In order to grasp the factors contributing to the relationship between specific states, some context is needed beforehand. By tracing and comparing historical events in the relations between the United States, Venezuela, and Iran, this thesis examines the constructivist claim that states behavior towards another is directly affected by the social interpretation of their interactions. It is social constructions, not power, what determines if states will view each other as "enemy" or "ally". National identity and worldview ultimately drive state behavior and how countries choose to utilize their capabilities.

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