In the past decade, the Somali Canadian community has experienced a heightened rate of youth violence. Since 2005 several dozen young Somali men have lost their lives. Most of the incidents occurred in Edmonton and Toronto, with sporadic incidents in Ottawa as well. The violence, mostly concentrated in northern Alberta, attracted sustained media attention which, in turn, led to public and private discussions within the Somali community. This study explores the determinants of youth involvement in violence and related criminal activities, as well as the impact of that violence on the families of its victims and perpetrators, and the larger Somali community. The study’s design consisted of in-depth interviews with Somali Canadians and non-Somali key informants, in the three cities where the majority of the Somali population resides, to elicit their explanations of the violence, and their perceptions of its impact. Results indicate that the proximal determinant of the violence was the young men’s participation in the drug trade in northern Alberta. Distally, determinants of the violence link three intersecting themes: poverty, racialization and gender. Poverty and racism marked the early lives of the male youth and their families in Ontario. The resettlement barriers experienced by first generation Somali refugees, the racism that this community and its youth encountered in public institutions such as schools, the criminal justice system and the media, and the anti-poor posture of neoliberalism, combined to create vulnerabilities to risky behaviour in male youth. My analysis suggests that young men entered the drug trade and/or participated in criminal activities in order to fill material needs and enhance their self-esteem. The inequities that underpin the determinants of violence require remedy at multiple levels. I propose an evidence-based population health framework for the prevention of youth violence, and identify interactive levels (individual, community, institutional, societal) at which to target prevention and intervention efforts.

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Empirical research in the areas of substance abuse (Beattie & Longabaugh, 1997; Beattie & Longabaugh, 1999; Falkin & Strauss, 2002; Gordon & Zrull, 1991; Humphreys & Noke, 1997; Mohr et al., 2001; Zywiak, Longabaugh & Wirtz, 2002) and general antisocial behavior (Browning, 2002; Capaldi, Dishion, Stoolmiller & Yoerger, 2001; Dishion, Patterson & Griesler, 1994) and a theoretical model of sexual assault perpetration (DeKeseredy & Schwartz, 1993; DeKeseredy, 1990a; DeKeseredy, 1988; Schwartz & DeKeseredy, 1997) highlight the role of peer groups' attitudes and behaviors in shaping those of their members. Intimate partner violence (IPV) among men's parents (Arriaga & Foshee, 2004; Doumas, Margolin & John, 1994; Silverman & Wiliamson, 1997) and peer groups (Abbey, McAuslan, Zawacki, Brown & Messman-Moore, 2010; Clinton, & Buck, 2001; Capaldi et al., 2001; Raghavan, Rajah, Gentile, Collado, & Kavanagh, 2009; Reed, Silverman, Raj, Rothman, Decker, Gottlieb, Molnar, & Miller, 2008; Silverman & Williamson, 1997) is also related to their own perpetration of IPV, specifically. However, existing research is yet to examine the extent to which men participating in batterer intervention programs (BIPs), a common form of treatment for perpetrators of IPV, receive messages about the perpetration of IPV from within their social networks, or whether or how BIP participants contribute to dialogues about abuse within their social networks. The purposes of the current study were to (1) describe the members of BIP participants' social networks and the ways in which they communicate about IPV with BIP participants, and (2) to describe how BIP participants address IPV with the members of their social networks, and the social network members with whom they do so. Focus groups with BIP facilitators and participants were conducted to develop inventories of abuse-relevant behaviors. One hundred and two BIP participants were surveyed to describe the members of their social networks, how the members of their social networks address the perpetration of IPV, and how BIP participants communicate about IPV to the members of their social networks. A series of multilevel models were tested to examine the characteristics of BIP participants' social networks and patterns of communication about abuse therein. An additional focus group provided interpretations of the quantitative findings. Findings reveal that the current sample of BIP participants has social networks that are smaller than those of the general population, and which consist of their current and former partners, friends and roommates, bosses and coworkers, family of origin, children, in-laws, and others. Participants' network members engage in behaviors that convey both pro-abuse and anti-abuse attitudes to BIP participants, participants engage in indirect anti-abuse behaviors with their social network members, and participants are less satisfied with network members who engage in more pro-abuse behaviors. Primary implications of the current study include (1) the understanding of BIP participants as bystanders who actively intervene in abuse-relevant social norms in their social networks; (2) a detailed picture of how and from whom BIP participants receive support for the perpetration of IPV; and (3) the creation of two new behavioral inventories that may be used to explore patterns and effects of abuse relevant communication in greater depth.

The domestic violence movement has had remarkable success illuminating the scope, prevalence and consequences of battering, but has been more limited in its ability to successfully intervene and prevent abuse of women by their intimate male partners. Surprisingly, there has been little research directed at understanding why intervention strategies with perpetrators are only minimally effective. Studies have focused on assessing the degree to which and for whom individual components such as arrest, prosecution and psycho-educational programs for abusive men are successful, but few explorations have attempted to describe limitations and challenges to the domestic violence intervention 'system as a whole'. Employing a systems approach, a process-oriented evaluation of the domestic violence intervention system in Portland, Oregon was conducted. Ten focus groups were facilitated with key stakeholders in the coordinated community response. Participants included police and probation officers, victim advocates, victim/survivors, batterer intervention program providers, and batterer intervention program participants. The focus group discussions were analyzed using constructivist grounded theory and emergent themes were identified. Based on stakeholder testimony, it appears as though seven interacting features may limit the effectiveness of domestic violence intervention strategies with abusive men: 1) attempting to simultaneously punish and rehabilitate perpetrators, 2) dominance of a "one size fits all" approach, 3) insufficient accountability within the system for abusive men, 4) rampant victim blaming, 5) barriers to effective collaboration, 6) confusion created by complex domestic violence dynamics, and 7) reactivity instead of activism and prevention. These and other findings are discussed in light of their capacity to illuminate fundamental tensions associated with relying so heavily on the criminal justice system to intervene in domestic violence (e.g., the contradictions that surface when attempting to protect and empower victims, the difficulty of balancing consistency with an individually tailored response when sanctioning perpetrators). Despite these and other challenges, complete dismissal of the criminal justice system's role in holding abusive men accountable seems unwise. Instead, it will be important for movement activists, practitioners, and researchers to critically reflect upon its limitations and work to redress and refine its use, while simultaneously developing new strategies that engage a wider range of community resources.

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Violence in all forms poses a concern because of associations with multiple adverse effects including injuries and mental health problems. There is however limited data on violence in general and youth violence in particular in Ghana. To explore the nature and scope of youth violence in Ghana, we used the nationwide Global School-based Health Survey, conducted among senior high school students in Ghana, to explore risk and protective factors at the individual, family, and environmental levels associated with sexual and physical violence victimization. A fifth of these students reported being forced to have sex in their lifetime while two out of five had been a victim of a physical attack in the year preceding the survey. In final multivariate analysis, for sexual violence victimization, history of sexual activity with or without condom use at last sex, feeling sad or hopeless, and being a victim of bullying and electronic bullying were identified as risk factors, while having friends who were not sexually active was protective. Independent risk factors for physical violence victimization were attempting suicide in the last year, alcohol use in the past month, and bullying other students in the past month. Parent respect for privacy just reached significance as a protective factor for physical violence victimization in the final model. Recognition of the magnitude of violence victimization among Ghanaian students and associated factors must be used to guide development and implementation of appropriate concrete measures to prevent and address the problem. .

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