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No description available.

No description available.

Individuals with Social Anxiety Disorder (SAD) are typically perceived by others as shy, submissive, or risk-averse. However, recent work has identified an understudied subtype within SAD characterized by high levels of anger and high-risk or novelty-seeking impulsive behaviors. Interestingly, this subtype bears conceptual similarities with prior accounts of vulnerable narcissism. For example, both are associated with concerns regarding self-presentation and how they are perceived by others. The angry-impulsive subtype and vulnerable narcissism may further share similar etiologic origins and similar associations with self-reported anger, impulsivity, and anxiety-related characteristics. However, despite these key similarities no prior work has systematically evaluated the common and potentially distinguishing factors within and between these conceptually similar but diagnostically distinct groups. For example, cognitive features such as fear of negative evaluation and interpersonal rivalry could be distinguishing features of SAD and vulnerable narcissism, although the utility of these distinguishing features to clarify the differential diagnosis remains unknown. Accordingly, the purpose of this study was to utilize a person-centered analytic approach (latent profile analysis; LPA) to empirically establish whether vulnerable narcissistic traits exist within high anger, risk-prone individuals who are also socially anxious, or alternatively whether specific features of each disorder can be used to disambiguate them empirically. Results of this work supported the existence of the angry impulsive socially anxious subtype and supported a relationship between that group and vulnerable narcissistic traits. These findings have implications for treatment selection among affected individuals and may further clarify why prior work evaluating interventions for adults with SAD and angry impulsive features has been met with only limited success. / M.S. / Individuals with Social Anxiety Disorder (SAD) are typically perceived by others as shy, submissive, or risk-averse. However, recent work has identified an understudied subtype within SAD characterized by high levels of anger and high-risk or novelty-seeking impulsive behaviors. Interestingly, this subtype has conceptual similarities with descriptions of vulnerable narcissism. For example, both are associated with concerns regarding self-presentation and how they are perceived by others. The angry-impulsive subtype and vulnerable narcissism may further share similar origins and similar associations with self-reported anger, impulsivity, and anxiety-related characteristics. However, despite these key similarities no prior work has evaluated the common and potentially distinctive factors within and between these distinct groups. For example, features such as fear of negative evaluation and interpersonal rivalry could be distinguishing features of SAD and vulnerable narcissism, although the utility of these differentiating features to clarify the differential diagnosis is unknown. Accordingly, the purpose of this study was to utilize a person-centered analytic approach (latent profile analysis; LPA) to establish whether vulnerable narcissistic traits exist within high anger, risk-prone individuals who are also socially anxious, or whether specific features of each disorder can be used to differentiate them. Results of this work supported the existence of the angry impulsive socially anxious subtype and supported a relationship between that group and vulnerable narcissistic traits. These findings have implications for treatment selection among affected individuals and may further clarify why prior work evaluating interventions for adults with SAD and angry impulsive features has been met with only limited success.

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Dans les métiers de l’investissement financier, le risque est un outil de travail quotidien et reconnu. Tout individu est ainsi amené à déterminer quels risques valent la peine d’être pris, ou quelle perte vaut la peine d’être risquée. Plus le risque pris est important, plus grands seront les bénéfices – ou pertes – encourus. Ces caractéristiques, le monde de l’investissement financier les partage avec les sports à hauts risques, ou sports extrêmes. Malgré cette similitude, la littérature scientifique issue de chacun des ces domaines adopte une perspective qui lui est propre afin d’expliquer le risque et la prise de risques. Alors que la recherche en finance s’attarde avant tout à la quantification des risques, la littérature sportive s’intéresse davantage à la personnalité des pratiquants de sports extrêmes, répondant donc aux questions : Qui prend des risques ? Pourquoi ? De récentes études ont avancé que les traits de personnalité du narcissisme et de l’alexithymie contribuent significativement à expliquer la tendance à la prise de risques dans le sport. Par le biais de six études successives et complémentaires, ce travail de thèse a pour objectif d’élargir ces résultats par la mise en évidence des relations entre les traits narcissiques et alexithymiques, et la prise de risques financiers / In the world of financial investment, risk is recognised as a daily working tool. Individuals are constantly asked to determine whether risks are worthwhile, in other words whether the potential associated loss is worth risking. The higher the risk, the higher the potential wins or losses. These characteristics are shared between the world of financial investment and high-risk – or extreme – sports. Notwithstanding their similarities, scientific studies conducted within each of these domains have adopted distinct understandings of risk and risk-taking. Whilst research in finance aims to quantify and control risk, the sport literature is rather more interested in the personality of high-risk sport partakers. The latter thus aims to answer questions such as who takes risks and why. Recent studies have highlighted the significant roles played by narcissism and alexithymia, two stable personality traits. Through six successive and complementary studies, the present thesis aims to broaden these results by uncovering the links between both narcissistic and alexithymic personality traits and financial risk-taking.

This study examines the relationship between online self-disclosure, grandiose narcissism, vulnerable narcissism, Facebook use and frequency of status updates in existing self-report measures among 381 college students. Positive correlations were found between: vulnerable narcissism and Facebook status updates, and Facebook use and online self-disclosure. Following the equalization of the two different narcissism scales, college students scored higher on grandiose narcissism as opposed to vulnerable narcissism, the opposite to what was hypothesized. No correlations were found between: grandiose narcissism and Facebook status updates; grandiose narcissism and self-disclosure; and vulnerable narcissism and self-disclosure. Additionally, college women did not score higher in self-disclosure than men on Facebook. Through additional testing a correlation between vulnerable narcissism and Facebook use was also found. Results were negatively affected by the established grandiose narcissism scale failing reliability testing, thus, in the future, the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) should be used. High religiosity is also known to positively correlate to positive mental health, therefore, in the future using less religiously orientated college students might yield different narcissism level results.

Narcissism is a truly Janusian phenomenon, consisting of both narcissistic grandiosity, exhibitionism, admiration-seeking, boldness, and dominance on the one hand, and narcissistic vulnerability, introversion, withdrawal, hypersensitivity, and anxiety on the other hand. While there is broad consensus that these two seemingly contradictory faces of narcissism can be empirically discerned and have different implications for psychological functioning and mental health, there is not yet agreement on whether grandiose and vulnerable narcissism should be regarded as independent traits or as two manifestations of one personality trait. Previous research indicates that both views hold true when the level of grandiosity is considered a moderating factor: while grandiose and vulnerable narcissism are largely unrelated in the range of normal personality variation, they are correlated in the range of high grandiosity (Jauk et al., 2017b). Here, we replicate and extend this work in an independent sample (N = 891) using a more comprehensive narcissism inventory grounded in a new trifurcated model of narcissism. The trifurcated model partitions narcissism into three main personality dimensions: agentic extraversion, antagonism, and neuroticism. We found a significant breakpoint in the association between narcissistic grandiosity and vulnerability at 75% cumulative frequency of grandiosity. While grandiosity and vulnerability are unrelated below this breakpoint (r = 0.02), they are strongly correlated above (r = 0.45). In the lower range of grandiose narcissism, grandiosity draws more upon agentic extraversion and is largely associated with mental health. In the upper range, however, grandiosity is more strongly linked to antagonism and is substantially associated with fear, negative affect, and depression. These findings provide evidence for the view that grandiose and vulnerable narcissism are distinct traits at lower levels of grandiosity, but blend into an antagonistic core with signs of psychological maladjustment at higher levels. Implications for research on narcissism as a personality trait, as well as clinical practice, are discussed.