This thesis examines Albert Speer, minister of armaments in Germany during World War II, and the charges against him during the trial of the major war criminals in Nuremberg, Germany, 1945-1946. This thesis portrays Albert Speer as a good man enticed by the power of his position and subsequently playing a role in the crimes of the Third Reich. Primary sources included the Nuremberg Trial proceedings published by the International Military Tribunal and Speer's books, Inside the Third Reich; Spandau: The Secret Diaries; and Infiltration. The thesis has six chapters: preface, biography, the charges against Speer, the verdict, the aftermath concerning his time in Spandau Prison, and a conclusion. Albert Speer accepted his guilt, yet came to resent his imprisonment and questioned the validity of the trial.

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"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit (L.L.M.)" / Cette étude a pour but de démontrer l'attitude paradoxale du gouvernement canadien relativement à sa politique visant l'impunité dans le traitement des criminels de guerre. Dans les faits, il appert qu'il s'abstient de punir ces criminels en vertu du droit criminel et les soumet plutôt aux procédures d'immigration et de citoyenneté qui permettent leur déportation et leur dénaturalisation. Cette étude propose une revue de l'historique menant à l'adoption par le gouvernement fédéral de la politique d'impunité des criminels de guerre. Elle comprendra l'état de la politique à la suite de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le rapport de la Commission Deschênes, de même que le changement de stratégie adoptée par le gouvernement à la suite de la décision dans l'affaire Finta. Par la suite, une étude comparée du droit de l'immigration, de la citoyenneté et du droit criminel sera de mise afin de cibler les différences dans les processus de traitement des criminels de guerre. Nous constaterons alors pourquoi il est plus facile pour le gouvernement de traiter les criminels de guerre en vertu du droit de l'immigration et de la citoyenneté, et nous serons alors en mesure d'évaluer les consternantes conséquences de ce choix. / The main goal of this study is to demonstrate the paradoxal behavior of the Canadian government regarding its impunity policy towards the treatment of war criminals. In reality, it appears that the Canadian government does not choose to punish them using criminal law processes but uses the immigration and citizenship laws instead, therefore enabling deportation and denaturalization of these criminals. This study proposes an historical review that leads to the Canadian government's choice of using impunity as a general policy towards war criminals. The review will present the state of this policy in the aftermath of World War II, the Deschênes Commission report, and final1y, the strategy change made by the federal govemment fol1owing the juridical decision made in the Finta case. For the last part, it seems appropriate to present a comparative study between immigration, citizenship and criminallaws. This comparative exercice will target the main differences between those different processes of war criminal treatments. By doing so, we will be able to assess with more accuracy negative consequences ofthis particular choice.

Cette étude a pour but de démontrer l'attitude paradoxale du gouvernement canadien relativement à sa politique visant l'impunité dans le traitement des criminels de guerre. Dans les faits, il appert qu'il s'abstient de punir ces criminels en vertu du droit criminel et les soumet plutôt aux procédures d'immigration et de citoyenneté qui permettent leur déportation et leur dénaturalisation. Cette étude propose une revue de l'historique menant à l'adoption par le gouvernement fédéral de la politique d'impunité des criminels de guerre. Elle comprendra l'état de la politique à la suite de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le rapport de la Commission Deschênes, de même que le changement de stratégie adoptée par le gouvernement à la suite de la décision dans l'affaire Finta. Par la suite, une étude comparée du droit de l'immigration, de la citoyenneté et du droit criminel sera de mise afin de cibler les différences dans les processus de traitement des criminels de guerre. Nous constaterons alors pourquoi il est plus facile pour le gouvernement de traiter les criminels de guerre en vertu du droit de l'immigration et de la citoyenneté, et nous serons alors en mesure d'évaluer les consternantes conséquences de ce choix. / The main goal of this study is to demonstrate the paradoxal behavior of the Canadian government regarding its impunity policy towards the treatment of war criminals. In reality, it appears that the Canadian government does not choose to punish them using criminal law processes but uses the immigration and citizenship laws instead, therefore enabling deportation and denaturalization of these criminals. This study proposes an historical review that leads to the Canadian government's choice of using impunity as a general policy towards war criminals. The review will present the state of this policy in the aftermath of World War II, the Deschênes Commission report, and final1y, the strategy change made by the federal govemment fol1owing the juridical decision made in the Finta case. For the last part, it seems appropriate to present a comparative study between immigration, citizenship and criminallaws. This comparative exercice will target the main differences between those different processes of war criminal treatments. By doing so, we will be able to assess with more accuracy negative consequences ofthis particular choice. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit (L.L.M.)"

The purpose of this study was to examine the controversial personage of Dr. Josef Mengele, who was the chief physician of the Third Reich's Polish extermination camp, Auschwitz-Birkenau. Until very nearly the completion of this project, virtually no scholarly research had been conducted pertaining to Mengele's life, and therefore, the value of this inquiry is easily discernable. After forty years of eluding Israeli assassins and Nazi hunters, principally in several South American countries, Mengele's alleged remains were discovered, and subsequently exhumed for forensic analysis, near Sao Paulo, Brazil, in early June 1985. In the aftermath of intensive forensic examination, performed by an international team of experts, which included American, West German, and Brazilian scientists, the skeletal remains were pronounced to be those of Mengele within a reasonable scientific certainty. Skeptics not only had misgivings about the initial reports of Mengele's death, but also questioned the veracity of the preliminary medical report, pointing to both errors of omission and commission contained in the report's findings. Despite additional dental evidence discovered nearly one year after the disinterment of the Brazilian remains, which incidentally provided positive identification of the remains as those of Mengele, skeptics continued to discount the expert's opinions and resumed the search for Mengele with renewed vigor. It was concluded that the Brazilian remains were indeed those of Mengele. While the uncertainty over Mengele's apparent death has been resolved, it is recommended that further research be conducted into Mengele's pre-war life, as well as his clandestine post-war existence.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1966. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2005. Graduate Programme in Political Science. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 260-268). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNR11565

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Explorations of womens roles in armed conflict have traditionally focused on women as victims, which has led to a limited understanding of the active roles women have played during and after conflicts. For example, analyses of the roles of women in the 1994 Rwanda genocide have largely focused on the victimization of women through rapes and mutilations, which leaves many dimensions unexplored. Exposing the roles of women in perpetrating violence or reconciliation efforts can contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the roles of women in wartime and challenge the traditional gender stereotypes that have denied womens agency dealing with the aftermath of conflict. This study aims to contribute to the literature on women and conflict, specifically ethnic conflict, by providing a broader and thus more accurate picture of the roles of women during and after the Rwanda genocide. This study explores the following question: What roles did Rwandan women play in the genocide and are women revealing their agency and abilities in the aftermath? This thesis explores the gendered nature of the Rwanda genocide as revealed in the violence committed against women and by women during the Rwanda genocide (women as victims and perpetrators), as well as the position of women in post-genocide Rwanda (their agency in reconciliation and reconstruction). This research represents a qualitative study based on information provided by news sources, ethnic conflict and genocide literature, feminist literature, reports by non-governmental organizations, and international organizations including the United Nations (specifically the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda) and the World Bank. The roles of women during and after conflict have been traditionally understood from a biased perspective; however, the genocide in Rwanda has revealed the great extent to which women are affected by conflict, participate in conflict, and contribute to reconstruction and reconciliation efforts.