Corruption is an age-old problem that affects every society, government, and institution. In recent decades it has received considerable attention from scholars, development experts, and global policy-makers, and anti-corruption reforms now exist in nearly every country in the world. Unfortunately, decades of research and activism have created a proliferation of data and policy prescriptions that continue to follow a set of narrow, misguided assumptions about the causes and consequences of this serious problem. This is a critique of the perspective that has dominated the international anti-corruption debate. Building upon comparative research conducted in El Salvador and Pakistan, this thesis sheds light on how these narrow-minded assumptions lead to misguided and ineffective anti-corruption efforts in two distinct regions of the world.

Doctor Legum - LLD / The principle of complementarity forms the basis upon which the International Criminal Court (ICC) exercises its jurisdiction. This principle of international law first appears in the Preamble to the Rome Statute and then the admissibility provisions under Article 17 of the Rome Statute, which outline that the Court will declare a case inadmissible where it is being investigated or prosecuted by a state which has jurisdiction over it; unless the state is unwilling or unable to genuinely carry out the investigation or prosecution. Alternatively where the case has been investigated by a state which has jurisdiction over it and the state has decided not to prosecute the person concerned, unless the decision resulted from the unwillingness or inability of the state to genuinely prosecute. This principle implies that the ICC is a court of last resort and will therefore not intervene in a case where the state of commission is either able or willing genuinely to investigate and prosecute perpetrators of grave crimes. It is common cause that Africa has been the staging area of mass atrocities for decades. The indictment of Kenyan president Uhuru Kenyatta’s’ and his deputy William Ruto, Hissene Habre case, and the indictment and issuance of an arrest warrant against the Sudanese President Omar El-Bashir are instructive in this regard. The ICC’S actions created the perception of bias, injustice and inequity. This prompted a sharp reaction from African states, which threated a mass withdrawal from the Rome Statute in 2013. The one positive spin off from the AU reaction was the expansion of the jurisdiction of the merged court to include a criminal chamber in 2014, thus creating Africa’s first international criminal court, the African Criminal Court (ACC). This development was the result of the discontent and frustration of the African continent towards the work of the ICC, which was perceived as focusing only on African cases, whilst ignoring the litany of cases coming from other regions of the world.

The 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq was a foreign policy action that violated international law, was based on false premises, and came to represent a clear and costly political disaster for the United States and Iraq. Why then, did none of the top policymakers responsible for the decision to invade face meaningful consequences – be they professional consequences, or legal ones? Why too have so many of the media figures who helped sell this war to the American public remained in their prestigious positions, with massive platforms to influence the American people? This paper argues that the above groups, referred to as the foreign policy elite or foreign policy establishment, are granted a general impunity for their actions. It seeks to explain this condition of elite impunity, and how it operates, through Robert Putnam’s theory of “elite integration.” It also examines the role of congressional marginalization and public disengagement in enabling the foreign policy elite to escape accountability. The subsequent chapters offer case studies of how each of these factors has helped advance and preserve the careers of two prominent members of the foreign policy elite, Elliott Abrams and Henry Kissinger. Finally, the conclusion explores further questions on the matter of elite impunity, and offers some basic steps towards creating a more accountable foreign policy elite.

This thesis is a critique of liberal humanitarian representations of violence in the context of Post-Conflict or Post-Authoritarian struggles against impunity. In particular, it addresses the argument of “cultures of impunity” whereby punishing perpetrators of violations of human rights in transitional societies prevents the endorsement of regimes of silence and the normalisation of wrongdoing. Drawing on a Deconstructivist and Disciplinary methodology this thesis argues that debates about punishment or forgiveness in the aftermath of systematic violence have a wider political meaning and a particular historical function. Instead of mere responses to an external reality “punishment vs. impunity” debates also have a productive facet: because they represent violence in a liberal humanitarian frame, they produce a postconflictual ethos that defines (1) the modes of acceptable political resistance in the present and (2) the achievable limits of justice in the future. In order to explain this wider “politics of impunity” this thesis focuses on the Brazilian transitional case, from the end of the Dirty War in the 1970s to the establishment of the National Truth Commission (2012-2014). As such, it rejects the explanation of Brazil as a quintessential “culture of impunity,” a reasoning that blames the amnesty of perpetrators after the militarised dictatorship (1964-1985) for instituting a regime of silence about the past and creating the conditions for an eternal state of exception in Brazil. Although it recognises the merits of this logic, this work argues against it, reassessing the question in a rather different perspective. First, the thesis suggests a methodological twist: moving focus away from the conditions of implementation of justice in post-conflict and post-authoritarian scenarios into the conditions of possibility of the promise of “never again”. This thesis analyses truth commissions, criminal tribunals, and reparation programmes as parts of a historically situated set of disciplines; that is, as the conjunction between a body of knowledge and modes of conduct centred on a specific representation of violence as an intentional, cyclical, and exceptional phenomenon. In other words, it is by narrowing down what violence is that struggles against impunity can promise a future of non-recurrence. Second, the thesis then describes how this representations of violence were mobilised in order to historically produce a postconflictual reality in Brazil. By analysing the trajectory of the memory struggles (1975-) I explain how this postconflictual reality redefined the meaning of political resistance after the Dirty/Cold War, and by looking at the work of the truth commission I describe in what sense it creates a parsimonious promise of justice.

In the contemporary world, the fight against impunity has become a fundamental political claim, a social goal and a main concern for human rights movements. However, it is unclear how we can delimit this fight, what are its aims and, ultimately, the remedies it proposes to overcome impunity. The academic studies and human rights mechanisms referring to this issue are not sufficiently clarifying. They often lack clear theoretical distinctions and stable empirical observations. Moreover, in social discourses impunity is employed with extremely vague connotations. This research addresses this lacuna, offering a conceptualization and characterization of impunity from a socio-legal perspective. With this purpose in mind, this work develops an analysis of impunity through the study of a particular kind of criminality. The study of state crime provides a prolific perspective for the analysis of the phenomenon of impunity, allowing to visualize the constitution of different blockages against the autonomous operation of the criminal justice. Particularly, this research studies an event of enforced disappearance initiated at the siege of the Colombian Palace of Justice in 1985, through a reconstruction focused on the perspective of the victims using a combination of qualitative methods. This field work, alongside different explorations of the sociological, human rights and criminological state of art of impunity, provides a sociological reflection on the concept of impunity. In the end, taking into account the problematization of the concept and its uses in social discourses, this work proposes a conceptualization apt for overcoming the vagueness of the definition of impunity as well as allowing a delimitation of the fight against it, leaving space for possible innovations on the penal rationality and possibly reinforcing a human rights agenda, concerned with the escalation of repression through punishment and committed with the restoration of social links and the victims’ rights.

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit (L.L.M.)" / Cette étude a pour but de démontrer l'attitude paradoxale du gouvernement canadien relativement à sa politique visant l'impunité dans le traitement des criminels de guerre. Dans les faits, il appert qu'il s'abstient de punir ces criminels en vertu du droit criminel et les soumet plutôt aux procédures d'immigration et de citoyenneté qui permettent leur déportation et leur dénaturalisation. Cette étude propose une revue de l'historique menant à l'adoption par le gouvernement fédéral de la politique d'impunité des criminels de guerre. Elle comprendra l'état de la politique à la suite de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le rapport de la Commission Deschênes, de même que le changement de stratégie adoptée par le gouvernement à la suite de la décision dans l'affaire Finta. Par la suite, une étude comparée du droit de l'immigration, de la citoyenneté et du droit criminel sera de mise afin de cibler les différences dans les processus de traitement des criminels de guerre. Nous constaterons alors pourquoi il est plus facile pour le gouvernement de traiter les criminels de guerre en vertu du droit de l'immigration et de la citoyenneté, et nous serons alors en mesure d'évaluer les consternantes conséquences de ce choix. / The main goal of this study is to demonstrate the paradoxal behavior of the Canadian government regarding its impunity policy towards the treatment of war criminals. In reality, it appears that the Canadian government does not choose to punish them using criminal law processes but uses the immigration and citizenship laws instead, therefore enabling deportation and denaturalization of these criminals. This study proposes an historical review that leads to the Canadian government's choice of using impunity as a general policy towards war criminals. The review will present the state of this policy in the aftermath of World War II, the Deschênes Commission report, and final1y, the strategy change made by the federal govemment fol1owing the juridical decision made in the Finta case. For the last part, it seems appropriate to present a comparative study between immigration, citizenship and criminallaws. This comparative exercice will target the main differences between those different processes of war criminal treatments. By doing so, we will be able to assess with more accuracy negative consequences ofthis particular choice.

” You don’t talk about politics or football around the dining table” is a Chilean expression that well describes how the dictatorship (1973–1990) is attached to the societal soul, with people’s diversifiedrelationships to its legacy. For the outside world, Chile is a thriving democracy that got out of Pinochet’s iron grip, but for many Chileans, the transition to democracy has excluded demands for justice and a real influence. How is it to be born into democracy and grow up in a society where the struggle for memory is a struggle for the future? Where you did not live the terrible years but live with its consequences? This study is interested in how the younger generation breaks a generational silence and actively participates in politicizing memory. With a political-ethnographic approach and a customized discourse analytical tool, these processes are captured through an extensive case study of the memory site Londres 38, espacio de memorias. In conversations about impunity with the memory site’s young representatives and the school and university class’s diversified reflections on the subject during participating visits, present research shows how the place becomes a democratic deliberative platform, in contrast to prevailing power relations, giving voice and perspective to a new generation.

Cette étude a pour but de démontrer l'attitude paradoxale du gouvernement canadien relativement à sa politique visant l'impunité dans le traitement des criminels de guerre. Dans les faits, il appert qu'il s'abstient de punir ces criminels en vertu du droit criminel et les soumet plutôt aux procédures d'immigration et de citoyenneté qui permettent leur déportation et leur dénaturalisation. Cette étude propose une revue de l'historique menant à l'adoption par le gouvernement fédéral de la politique d'impunité des criminels de guerre. Elle comprendra l'état de la politique à la suite de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le rapport de la Commission Deschênes, de même que le changement de stratégie adoptée par le gouvernement à la suite de la décision dans l'affaire Finta. Par la suite, une étude comparée du droit de l'immigration, de la citoyenneté et du droit criminel sera de mise afin de cibler les différences dans les processus de traitement des criminels de guerre. Nous constaterons alors pourquoi il est plus facile pour le gouvernement de traiter les criminels de guerre en vertu du droit de l'immigration et de la citoyenneté, et nous serons alors en mesure d'évaluer les consternantes conséquences de ce choix. / The main goal of this study is to demonstrate the paradoxal behavior of the Canadian government regarding its impunity policy towards the treatment of war criminals. In reality, it appears that the Canadian government does not choose to punish them using criminal law processes but uses the immigration and citizenship laws instead, therefore enabling deportation and denaturalization of these criminals. This study proposes an historical review that leads to the Canadian government's choice of using impunity as a general policy towards war criminals. The review will present the state of this policy in the aftermath of World War II, the Deschênes Commission report, and final1y, the strategy change made by the federal govemment fol1owing the juridical decision made in the Finta case. For the last part, it seems appropriate to present a comparative study between immigration, citizenship and criminallaws. This comparative exercice will target the main differences between those different processes of war criminal treatments. By doing so, we will be able to assess with more accuracy negative consequences ofthis particular choice. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit (L.L.M.)"

This article is about a pair of factors that cause the distress that can be observed within the mexican society: the overflowed criminality and the impunity, by virtue of which the State is not fullfiling its essential historical duty: to provide an aceptable level of public security. This has two sources that complement each other. One is the sensation we get when we face an unpredictable threat. It is caused by crime. The other is defencelessness or knowing that we can only rely in our own strength because there is no one willing to protect or assist us. / El artículo versa sobre el par de factores que provocan el malestar que se advierte en la sociedad mexicana: la criminalidad desbordada y la impunidad, en virtud de las cuales el Estado no está cumpliendo con su deber histórico fundamental: brindar un nivel aceptable de seguridad pública. Ésta tiene dos fuentes que se complementan entre sí. Una es la sensación que nace al enfrentarnos a un peligro imprevisible. Es suscitada por el crimen. La otra es la indefensión, o sea, el saber que sólo se cuenta con las propias fuerzas porque no hay nadie más dispuesto a protegernos o auxiliarnos.

RUSSO, Maurício Bastos. Violência no trânsito "À Moda Brasileira": Insegurança, Letalidade e Impunidade. 2012. 226f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza (CE), 2012. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-22T11:57:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-TESE-MBRUSSO.pdf: 4517841 bytes, checksum: afdf394b86e051afb2174f40fb5696ed (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-10-22T13:30:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-TESE-MBRUSSO.pdf: 4517841 bytes, checksum: afdf394b86e051afb2174f40fb5696ed (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-10-22T13:30:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-TESE-MBRUSSO.pdf: 4517841 bytes, checksum: afdf394b86e051afb2174f40fb5696ed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / The Brazilian car fleet almost doubled its size in the last decade. At the same time, the number of victims from car accidents rises every year. This thesis aims at understanding how economic and cultural conditions contribute to violence caused by cars. In spite of the fact that this is a common issue in every country nowadays, in some cases, such as it happens in Brazil, the problem is not the total number of car accidents but their lethal percentage. In Brazil, contrary to what is seen in developed countries, most automobiles, a kind of vehicle most frequently involved in accidents with victims, do not offer basic safety equipment, such as airbags and anti-lock braking system (ABS) which are major deterrent of fatalities. One should add to this the state’s inability to regulate properly the social environment created for vehicles. Exemption from punishment for violators, ranging from light infractions, such as parking at unauthorized places, to more serious ones, such as homicides fired by car accidents foments illegal practices. Problems involving training of new drivers and issuing of a driver’s license release thousands of unauthorized drivers to take Brazilian streets and roads. The country’s economic development did not create an equal process of transformation that allowed drivers to changing into individuals capable of respecting alterity involving other users of the transit system. Transit is still a privileged space for some who do not respect the existing social hierarchy and who defy those who consider driving a car an exercise of democracy. / Na última década a frota brasileira de veículos quase dobrou de tamanho. Ao mesmo tempo, a cada ano, aumenta o número de vítimas decorrentes de acidentes de trânsito no Brasil. O objetivo desta tese é compreender como as condições socioeconômicas e culturais contribuem com a violência no trânsito. Embora este seja um problema comum a todos os países na modernidade, em alguns casos, como no Brasil, o maior problema não é o número total de acidentes, mas o percentual letal destes. Ao contrário dos países desenvolvidos, no Brasil, a maior parte dos automóveis de passeio, tipo de veículo que mais se envolve em acidente de trânsito com vítimas, não dispõem de equipamentos de segurança básicos, como airbags e freios ABS, essências para evitar que o acidente se torne fatal. Soma-se a isto a incapacidade do Estado em regular adequadamente o ambiente social do trânsito. A falta de punição dos infratores, desde infrações leves, como o estacionamento em local proibido, a casos mais graves como o homicídio no trânsito, incentiva as práticas ilegais. Problemas no aprendizado dos condutores e na obtenção da Carteira Nacional de Habilitação (CHN) permitem que milhares de motoristas não qualificados circulem nas ruas e estradas brasileiras. Nosso crescimento econômico não foi acompanhado por um processo que transformasse os condutores em indivíduos capazes de respeitar a alteridade dos demais participantes do sistema de trânsito. O trânsito ainda é para alguns um espaço privilegiado, que deveria respeitar a hierarquia social existente, que entra em conflito com aqueles que consideram este um espaço democrático