Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LANKER VINICIUS BORGES SILVA LANDIN.pdf: 1157352 bytes, checksum: a1647bfe8ff1c03ac85f2fcf2955db7a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-26 / This dissertation analyzes the white-collar crimes, selectivity and impunity. The investigation of this criminal modality is of paramount importance to Brazil, because contrary to what presents itself, this is one of the criminal activities that brings more harm to the Brazilian society, generating high financial losses, as the case of Petrobras, which is being investigated by Operation Lava jet. Even being involved in criminal activities, the white-collar criminals are not stereotyped as dangerous people to society, unlike what happens, for example, with the thieves. The stereotyping suffered by some criminals is one of the lines of the punishment selectivity of the approach in Brazil. White-collar crimes receive different treatment, if not privileged. The society, laws and agencies responsible for investigating and punishing those who commit crime have a greater tendency to promote exemplary punishment to common criminals, since these are considered dangerous to society. However, for the criminals of high society, the same punishment is not required, because this class is rarely labeled as a class of offenders. In addition, its close relationship with the media that allows use this to form and transmit a good social image. It is emphasized that impunity is taken for all crimes, but is more present in so-called white-collar crimes. For the research the hypothetical-deductive and statistical methods were used. The main findings are pessimistic , since impunity and selectivity serve as power maintenance tool of the great white-collar criminals , so the likelihood is remote to achieve modify the Brazilian criminal reality. / Esta dissertação analisa os crimes de colarinho branco, a seletividade e a impunidade. A investigação dessa modalidade criminosa é de suma importância para o Brasil, pois ao contrário do que se apresenta, essa é uma das práticas delituosas que mais danos traz à sociedade brasileira, gerando elevados prejuízos financeiros, como o caso da Petrobras, o qual está sendo investigado pela Operação Lava Jato. Mesmo estando envolvidos com atividades delituosas, os criminosos de colarinho branco não são estereotipados como pessoas perigosas para a sociedade, diferentemente do que ocorre, por exemplo, com os ladrões. A estereotipização sofrida por alguns criminosos é uma das linhas da abordagem da seletividade da punição no Brasil. Os crimes de colarinho branco recebem tratamento diferenciado, para não dizer privilegiado. A sociedade, as leis e os órgãos responsáveis pela investigação e punição de quem comete crime possuem uma grande tendência em promover a punição exemplar aos criminosos comuns, uma vez que estes são tidos como perigosos para sociedade. No entanto, em relação aos criminosos da alta sociedade, a mesma punição não é exigida, pois essa classe raramente é etiquetada como classe de delinquentes. Ademais, sua relação de proximidade com a mídia permite com que use desta para formar e transmitir uma boa imagem social. Ressalta-se que a impunidade é verificada em todos os crimes, mas se faz mais presente nos chamados crimes de colarinho branco. Para a realização da pesquisa foram utilizados os métodos hipotético-dedutivo e estatístico. Os principais resultados encontrados são pessimistas, posto que a impunidade e a seletividade servem como instrumento de manutenção do poder dos grandes criminosos do colarinho branco, sendo assim é remota a possibilidade de se conseguir modificar a realidade criminal brasileira.

L’objet de cette recherche est d’examiner deux formes de violence d’Etat : la disparition forcée et la migration forcée, dans le contexte du conflit Kurde. Cette étude se fonde sur un travail de terrain conduit dans deux villes, représentatives du contexte des disparitions forcées, de la migration forcée et des projets de transformation urbaine, à savoir à İstanbul et à Şırnak. Ces formes de violence d’Etat sont examinées dans le contexte politico-historique des années 1990 en se centrant sur l’appareil d’Etat, l’espace juridique, la vie quotidienne et la mémoire. En outre, l’une des conséquences les plus importantes de la migration forcée, à savoir les projets de transformations urbaines, sont également étudiées afin d’approfondir l’analyse concernant les migrants Kurdes dans le milieu urbaine. La thèse principale de cette recherche est la suivante: les formes de violence d’Etat mise en œuvre pendant les années 1990 dans les marges spatiales et politiques de la Turquie offrent des informations cruciales permettant de procéder à une analyse approfondie de l’appareil d’Etat, de l’espace juridique et du débat sur la mémoire du centre-même de la Turquie. L’analyse de ces formes de violence d’Etat révèle également leurs dimensions holistiques, structurées et spatialisées qui façonnent les subjectivités et les performances de différentes parties prenantes, y compris des parents proches des disparus, des déplacés et des résidents des zones urbaines informelles. Les relations complexes, transformatrices et à multiples facettes entre la région kurde et le centre de la Turquie met en lumières l’interconnectivitée de ces entités géographiques, politiques et historiques qui sont beaucoup plus liées qu’elles n’y paraissent. / This study aims to examine two forms of state violence, namely, enforced disappearance and forced migration, in the context of Turkey’s Kurdish conflict. The analysis will be mainly based on a field research on two cities representative in the context of the enforced disappearance, forced migration and urban transformation projects, İstanbul and Şırnak. These forms of violence are investigated in the broader historico-political momentum of the 1990s focusing on state apparatus, juridical field, quotidian life and memory. Moreover, one of the crucial effects of the forced migration on the urgan space, urban transformation projects will also be evaluated for a deepened analysis of Kurdish migrants in the urban milieu. The main argument of the dissertation is the forms of state violence implemented at the spatial and political margin of Turkey during the 1990s offer crucial insights for a deepened analysis of the state apparatus, juridical field and memory debate of the very center of Turkey. An analysis of these forms of state violence also reveals their holistic, structured and spatialized dimensions that shaped subjectivities and performances of different stakeholders, including relatives of the forcibly disappeared, internally displaced persons and inhabitants of the informal urban areas. Complicated, transformatory and multi-faceted relations between the Kurdish region and the center of Turkey highlight the interconnectedness of these geographical, political and histroical entities that are far related than it appears.

Neste trabalho pretendemos demonstrar que a utilização da impunidade como suposto motivador criminal - seja como conceito, seja como conteúdo -, é equivocada na medida em que aquela não passa de um defeito funcional advindo do descompasso entre o programa criminalizador primário e a criminalização secundária, ainda que intermediada pela criminalização terciária (midiática). A consequência dessa paralaxe seria a migração léxica não só do verbete impunidade para o verbete impunização, senão a consideração de que essa não passa de um apontar de dedo político, útil ao sistema penal que, descaradamente, utiliza-se daquela desafinação para manter ou aumentar o seu poder punitivo. Para tanto, utilizamo-nos do método indiciário, haja vista não nos ser possível decifrar todas as causas e consequências que envolvem o discurso da impunidade criminógena, embora isso não nos tenha impedido de concluir que a seletividade inerente ao sistema penal, equivocadamente nomeada de impunidade, serve, em última medida, quando bem utilizada, como corretivo da voracidade do poder punitivo. Corretivo que, todavia, para exercer todo seu poder curativo, não pode continuar se valendo da própria seletividade, senão de uma redução do próprio poder punitivo. / The intention with this work is to manifest that the use of impunity as a presumed criminal motivator be it as an idea, be it as a content, is mistaken insofar as it is just a functional fault coming from the mismatch between the primary criminalizing program and the secondary one, despite mediated by the third (media repercussion). The implication of this parallax would be a lexical migration on not only the entry from impunity to impunization, but also the thought that the concept is merely a misuse of political intervention, useful to the criminal justice system, which, shamelessly, harnesses the maladjustment to keep or increase its punitive power. For this purpose, the evidentiary method was utilized in this work, as proved the impossibility to deciphering all the causes and consequences involving the discourse of illegitimate impunity. Although this does not prevent us from finding that the inherent selectivity to the criminal justice system, mistakenly called impunity, serves, as a latter measure, when it is effectively applied, as a method for correction for the voracity of the punitive power. In order to exert all of its curative power, this correction should not take advantage of its own selectivity, but a reduction of its own punitive power.

Neste trabalho pretendemos demonstrar que a utilização da impunidade como suposto motivador criminal - seja como conceito, seja como conteúdo -, é equivocada na medida em que aquela não passa de um defeito funcional advindo do descompasso entre o programa criminalizador primário e a criminalização secundária, ainda que intermediada pela criminalização terciária (midiática). A consequência dessa paralaxe seria a migração léxica não só do verbete impunidade para o verbete impunização, senão a consideração de que essa não passa de um apontar de dedo político, útil ao sistema penal que, descaradamente, utiliza-se daquela desafinação para manter ou aumentar o seu poder punitivo. Para tanto, utilizamo-nos do método indiciário, haja vista não nos ser possível decifrar todas as causas e consequências que envolvem o discurso da impunidade criminógena, embora isso não nos tenha impedido de concluir que a seletividade inerente ao sistema penal, equivocadamente nomeada de impunidade, serve, em última medida, quando bem utilizada, como corretivo da voracidade do poder punitivo. Corretivo que, todavia, para exercer todo seu poder curativo, não pode continuar se valendo da própria seletividade, senão de uma redução do próprio poder punitivo. / The intention with this work is to manifest that the use of impunity as a presumed criminal motivator be it as an idea, be it as a content, is mistaken insofar as it is just a functional fault coming from the mismatch between the primary criminalizing program and the secondary one, despite mediated by the third (media repercussion). The implication of this parallax would be a lexical migration on not only the entry from impunity to impunization, but also the thought that the concept is merely a misuse of political intervention, useful to the criminal justice system, which, shamelessly, harnesses the maladjustment to keep or increase its punitive power. For this purpose, the evidentiary method was utilized in this work, as proved the impossibility to deciphering all the causes and consequences involving the discourse of illegitimate impunity. Although this does not prevent us from finding that the inherent selectivity to the criminal justice system, mistakenly called impunity, serves, as a latter measure, when it is effectively applied, as a method for correction for the voracity of the punitive power. In order to exert all of its curative power, this correction should not take advantage of its own selectivity, but a reduction of its own punitive power.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Administration – Peace Studies, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2017. / Zimbabwe is in dire need of wholesale reform. Gross human rights violations which date back to the pre-colonial period could have been abated in 1980 when the magnanimous policy of national reconciliation promised a new start. The watershed opportunity was, however, lost mainly because no deliberate efforts were made to account for the wrongs of the past in order to start afresh. The result was that Zimbabwe won the independence, but peace remained elusive. This is evidenced in the continued instability, insecurity and uncertainty. The non-retributive pledge had inherent weaknesses; it lacked inclusive participation, hence, no broad ownership. Simply drawing a line between the wounded past and the present, meant burying the past without the prerequisite rituals bent on ensuring non-recurrence. The futility of this blanket amnesty is evident in the sustained legacy of gross human rights abuses and impunity. Political violence has been institutionalised through politicisation of all aspects of life. This research is guided by Lederach’s reconciliation theory which uses Psalms 85:10 to emphasise the importance of commitment in converging the seemingly divergent aspects of truth, peace, justice and mercy into a ‘meeting place’ called reconciliation. Using a mixed methods approach, this research established that the invariably top-bottom approaches massage the symptoms rather than address the root causes of conflicts. The victims’ agitations for revenge and retribution prompted me to design action research processes aimed at engaging the research participants in interactive activities. The action research component aimed at sensitising participants to the merits of letting go of the burdens of the past, and to use scars as reminders of hope and not victimhood. The issues of forgiveness without apology, compensation or even remorse were contentious. However, through give-and-take concessions, the dialogue intervention yielded invaluable by-products such as maximisation of indigenous knowledge systems. Building on the participants’ input, sustainable healing and reconciliation can be achieved through deliberate truth-recovery, the right to justice, reparation, forgiveness and non-recurrence assurances. The research outcomes show that Zimbabwe urgently needs a ‘hybrid’ transitional justice framework based on inclusive participation. Inclusivity is critical because politicians are not necessarily experts in peacebuilding. The yet to be implemented National Peace and Reconciliation Commission can be used as a tool to seek public opinion on how to overcome the entrenched ‘fearology and militarism’ (Oberg 2016) ahead of the watershed 2018 general elections. Uncensored national debates can be used to gather information on the way forward. The multiple merits of Information Communication and Technology should be fully maximised in peacebuilding. / D

Despite the amount of studies conducted in the field and actions taken, gender-based violence continues to be rampant in both Afghanistan and Armenia. This study investigates potential causes and factors as to why the two societies look and function the way it does. By conducting a comparative case study by using a most similar system design, the aim with the thesis is to gain a broader understanding of why the women of Afghanistan and Armenia are suffering to these levels. Experiences of Afghan and Armenian women will be studied together with the legal and social construction of the countries. The study is primarily based on the theoretical framework of factors contributing to gender-based violence. The combination of sources that have been selected and used have done so in order to create as fair and representative a picture of Afghan and Armenian society and the experiences of the women living there as possible.

Despite internal regulations, policy documents, statements, training, reporting mechanisms and international treaties accountability is perceived as inadequate when it comes to peacekeepers and sexual exploitation and abuse. This study will be based on a normative oriented jurisprudence and will use general international principles for reviewing the flaws. There are relatively robust regulations on how peacekeepers are expected to meet their standards of conduct but there simultaneously exists a legal vacuum when it comes to accountability. This study will to try to create an overlap in hope to further implement existing policy document.

The points of departure in this thesis are the reciprocal relationship between the memories of human rights violations, the application of the relevant law and the understanding of what is criminal, as well as the recent trend in German courts to belatedly try low-profile Nazi-criminals. To explore these phenomena further, a critical discourse analysis incorporating historical elements is conducted on the 2015 trial of “the bookkeeper of Auschwitz” Oskar Gröning and the related media-reports. By identifying and investigating the expression of collective memory therein, a shift is revealed in that low-level participation in the Holocaust is no longer remembered as a moral infringement exclusively, but accepted as a criminal act for which a perpetrator ought to be held liable. Alongside Holocaust-focused collective memory, there are further tendencies toward a distinct memory of the prolonged failure of the German judiciary. It was thus found that long-term societal change can prevail against a deeply ingrained culture of impunity.

What conditions lead to confidence among civil war combatants that they will not face accountability for perpetrating sexual violence? This study investigates the causes of impunity for sexual violence among armed actors. It develops a theoretical framework which identifies three explanations for armed group impunity for sexual violence, namely (1) flawed prohibitions inside an armed group; (2) negligent enforcement by its authorities; and (3) pardons in the form of amnesties during the peace process. Adopting a two-pronged approach, the study first explores the associations between amnesties arising from concluding peace agreements and post-settlement levels of sexual violence in Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia, Mozambique, Sierra Leone and South Africa. A small-scale, events-based dataset of sexual violence by governments and rebel groups in the first three years after war was constructed. The second and main part of the study is a comparison between two rebel groups in Burundi’s civil war (1994-2008), CNDD-FDD (National Council for the Defence of Democracy-Forces for the Defence of Democracy) and Palipehutu-FNL (Palipehutu-Forces for National Liberation) and their practices of prohibition and punishment of wartime sexual violence, taking into account also the possible influence of amnesties. Based on original data from 19 focus groups of ex-combatants from these rebel organisations, it is found that flawed prohibitions and negligent authorities are the main explanations for armed group impunity. The findings do not support amnesties as a cause of armed group impunity for sexual violence. Moreover, additional findings suggest that accountability for sexual violence is triggered by dependency on civilian support, while impunity is facilitated by an armed group’s ability to secure recruits, material and other resources without the help of local communities.

Cette thèse porte sur le statut de l'Etat justiciable en droit international. L'étude de l'Etat, sujet de droit international et justiciable des juridictions internationales, conduit à l'analyse de sa personnalité juridique internationale. Pour connaître le statut juridique de l'Etat et sa possible mise en cause devant une juridiction internationale, il a fallu donner un essai de définition du concept d'Etat et de celui de souveraineté. C'est à partir de la variante souveraineté que se décline le phénomène de justiciabilité de l'Etat en droit international. Dans cette étude, le nouveau droit international tel que proposé par la Charte des Nations en 1945, maintient l'Etat dans son rôle classique de sujet principal du droit des gens, en lui étant tout de même le statut de souverain absolu et inaccessible. En plus du contentieux interétatique classique, le souverain étatique est devenu depuis cette date un acteur contentieux presque banal devant les nouvelles juridictions internationales. C'est ainsi que l'émergence de nouveaux acteurs de la société internationale comme les individus, les entreprises et les ONG, a donné lieu à un nouveau développement conventionnel dans des espaces juridiques qui échappent au contrôle étatique. La protection internationale des droits de l'homme fait passer l'individu de la sphère nationale à la sphère internationale. Le nouveau droit international économique institutionnalisé par le CIRDI en 1965, le nouveau droit de la mer matérialisé par la Convention de Montego Bay de 1982 et le développement des juridictions pénales internationales (lutte contre l'impunité) sont la preuve d'une transformation de l'environnement juridique international où l'Etat n'est plus l'unique centre d'intérêt des rapports internationaux. / This thesis examines the status of the defendant State in international law. The study of State, subject of international law and immune from international courts, led to the analysis of its international legal personality. To know the legal status of the State and its possible questioned before an International Court, it took to give a definition of the concept of sovereignty and state test. It is from the variant sovereignty comes the phenomenon of justiciability of the State under international law. In this study, new international law as proposed by the Charter in 1945, maintains the State in his classic role as main subject of the law of Nations, by taking away all the same absolute and inaccessible sovereign status. In addition to the classical inter-State disputes, the sovereign State has become since that date an almost banal litigation player before the new international courts. It is as well as the emergence of new actors in the international society as individuals, businesses and NGOS, gave rise to a new conventional development in legal spaces that are outside State control. The international protection of human rights puts the individual in the national sphere to the international sphere. The new international economic law, institutionalized by the ICSID in 1965, the new law of the sea, materialized by the Montego Bay Convention of 1982 and the development of international criminal courts (Fight against impunity) are evidence of a transformation of the international legal environment where the State is no longer the only main interest of international reports.