The evolving relationship between international human rights law and criminal law is marked by a passage from a role of moderation to one of legitimization. While international human rights law was previously critical of criminal law as an instrument of state repression, the last few decades witnessed a shift towards a victim-centred conception of criminal law as a means to protect and enforce certain human rights. This contrasts with a liberal conception of human rights as a check on the power of the state through the use of its criminal law authority. This development manifests itself through what may be dubbed the "criminalization” of Inter-American human rights law. This contribution explores this phenomenon of “criminalization” and its various illustrations, particularly through the Inter-American Court of Human Rights’ discourse with respect to amnesty laws and prescription. / El desarrollo de las relaciones entre el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos y el Derecho Penal está signado por una función de moderación hacia una de legitimación/ justificación de la aplicación del Derecho Penal. Mientras los Derechos Humanos inicialmente fueron críticos del Derecho Penal, como instrumento de represión estatal; las últimas décadas atestiguan un giro hacia una conceptualización del Derecho Penal centrado en la víctima, como medio para proteger y resguardar determinados derechos humanos. Este giro desafía la perspectiva liberal que concibe los derechos humanos como un mecanismo de control ante el poder estatal y que se ejerce mediante el Derecho Penal. Este desarrollo se manifiesta a través de lo que podría ser denominado la “penalización" de la jurisprudencia de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos. Este trabajo contribuye a la exploración del fenómeno de la “penalización” y sus diversas variantes. Particularmente, en el discurso de la Corte Interamericana de los Derechos Humanos, con especial énfasis en su postura ante las leyes de amnistía y la institución de la prescripción de la acción penal.

Magister Legum - LLM (Criminal Justice and Procedure) / In June 2014, the AU adopted a Protocol which included in its annexe a Statute of the African Court of Justice and Human and Peoples' Rights. The Protocol proposes to expand the jurisdiction of the African Court of Justice and Human and Peoples' Rights (ACJHPR) by vesting it with criminal jurisdiction. The ACJHPR will comprise of three sections, namely, a General Affairs Section, a Human and Peoples' Rights Section and an International Criminal Law Section. The Malabo Protocol, therefore, confers the proposed ACJHPR with criminal jurisdiction over international and transnational crimes. Although the Malabo Protocol and its Statute are not yet in force, the fact that in Africa there is a possibility of having the 'African Criminal Court (ACC)' deserves a critical analysis.

Muitos setores sociais apoiaram o golpe e a ditadura civil-militar brasileira (1964-1985). Uma parcela dessas pessoas se organizou em grupos para realizar atividades terroristas, com o objetivo de disseminar o medo e a insegurança entre a população, contribuindo para a manutenção de um Estado autoritário. O mais conhecido desses grupos foi o Comando de Caça aos Comunistas, conhecido pela sigla que assinava em suas atividades: CCC. Essas atividades ocorreram em várias cidades do Brasil entre 1968 e 1980, e consistiram em explosões de bombas, pichações e destruições de alvos como bancas de jornais e revistas, teatros, universidades, imprensa, setores da Igreja Católica; também faziam ameaças, atentados à vida, sequestro e assassinato de: artistas, estudantes, religiosos, jornalistas e políticos. A proposta deste trabalho é apresentar e analisar essas atividades, sob a ótica do terrorismo e da impunidade que, verificou-se, permearam todas as ações assinadas por aquela sigla. Para a realização da pesquisa foram utilizadas fontes impressas como meios de comunicação, documentos oficiais do Brasil, diários de Assembléias Legislativas estaduais e entrevistas publicadas. / Many social sectors supported the coup d‘état and the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985). A portion of those people organized themselves into groups to carry out terrorist activities, aimed at spreading fear and insecurity among the population, contributing to the maintenance of an authoritarian state. The most well-known of these groups was the Command in Pursuit of Communists, known by the Portuguese acronym of those activities: CCC. These activities occurred in several cities in Brazil between 1968 and 1980, and consisted in bombings, graffiti and destruction of aims like newsstands, theaters, universities, media, sectors of the Catholic Church; as well as threats, attacks against life, kidnapping and murder of: artists, students, clergy, journalists and politicians. The purpose of this paper is to present and analyze these activities, from the perspective of terrorism and impunity which permeated all actions carried out under that acronym. For the research, sources such as printed media outlets, official documents of Brazil, diaries from state Legislative Assemblies and published interviews were used.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:15:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 6051.pdf: 3589277 bytes, checksum: 926b65932978abbfeeb02ac907212ff8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-04 / Recent opinion polls in Brazil indicate that corruption and impunity are a major problem faced by the Brazilian society. This perception is fed back by the way the media has repercussions on the issue, exploring the events in the form of scandals. Beyond the negative aspect in the economy, the main consequence of the problem is the distrust generated in the population regarding democracy and its institutions, particularly those of the Legislature. There are three ways to empirically examine the question : a) by measuring the perception of the population through surveys (which has frequently been done ); b) by looking up the news stories produced by the media about the scandals and c) by investigating the response given by the courts in cases of corruption that are submitted to them. In this work we chose to explore the third way, starting from the assumption that the only way corruption can be effectively punished is after a final judgment (res judicata). Thus, in order to establish the scope of this study, we identified the criminal cases of corruption and civil claims of improper conduct judged by the five federal regional tribunals, the Superior Justice Tribunal and the Supreme Federal Tribunal from 1991 to 2010, investigating their temporal evolution, geographic distributions of origin and especially the final results of each of those actions according to their merit. / As recentes pesquisas de opinião realizadas no Brasil indicam que a corrupção e sua impunidade são um dos principais problemas para a sociedade brasileira. Essa percepção é retroalimentada pelo modo com que a mídia repercute a questão, explorando os eventos sob a forma de escândalos. Para além do seu aspecto econômico, que é grave, a principal consequência do problema é a desconfiança gerada na população em relação ao regime democrático e às suas instituições, em especial aquelas do Poder Legislativo. Há três meios de analisar empiricamente a questão: a) medindo-se a percepção da população mediante surveys (o que vem sendo frequentemente realizado); b) buscando-se as matérias jornalísticas que a mídia produz sobre os escândalos; e, c) investigando-se a resposta dada pela Justiça aos casos de corrupção que lhe são submetidos. Neste trabalho optou-se por explorar o terceiro modo, partindo-se do pressuposto que a corrupção só é efetivamente punida com uma decisão judicial definitiva (transitada em julgado). Assim, de modo a delimitar o espectro deste estudo, identificaram-se as ações criminais de corrupção e as ações cíveis de improbidade administrativa julgadas pelos cinco Tribunais Regionais Federais, pelo Superior Tribunal de Justiça e pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal de 1991 a 2010, investigando-se suas evoluções temporais, as distribuições geográficas de origem e, principalmente, os resultados finais de cada uma dessas ações quanto ao seu mérito.

Muitos setores sociais apoiaram o golpe e a ditadura civil-militar brasileira (1964-1985). Uma parcela dessas pessoas se organizou em grupos para realizar atividades terroristas, com o objetivo de disseminar o medo e a insegurança entre a população, contribuindo para a manutenção de um Estado autoritário. O mais conhecido desses grupos foi o Comando de Caça aos Comunistas, conhecido pela sigla que assinava em suas atividades: CCC. Essas atividades ocorreram em várias cidades do Brasil entre 1968 e 1980, e consistiram em explosões de bombas, pichações e destruições de alvos como bancas de jornais e revistas, teatros, universidades, imprensa, setores da Igreja Católica; também faziam ameaças, atentados à vida, sequestro e assassinato de: artistas, estudantes, religiosos, jornalistas e políticos. A proposta deste trabalho é apresentar e analisar essas atividades, sob a ótica do terrorismo e da impunidade que, verificou-se, permearam todas as ações assinadas por aquela sigla. Para a realização da pesquisa foram utilizadas fontes impressas como meios de comunicação, documentos oficiais do Brasil, diários de Assembléias Legislativas estaduais e entrevistas publicadas. / Many social sectors supported the coup d‘état and the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985). A portion of those people organized themselves into groups to carry out terrorist activities, aimed at spreading fear and insecurity among the population, contributing to the maintenance of an authoritarian state. The most well-known of these groups was the Command in Pursuit of Communists, known by the Portuguese acronym of those activities: CCC. These activities occurred in several cities in Brazil between 1968 and 1980, and consisted in bombings, graffiti and destruction of aims like newsstands, theaters, universities, media, sectors of the Catholic Church; as well as threats, attacks against life, kidnapping and murder of: artists, students, clergy, journalists and politicians. The purpose of this paper is to present and analyze these activities, from the perspective of terrorism and impunity which permeated all actions carried out under that acronym. For the research, sources such as printed media outlets, official documents of Brazil, diaries from state Legislative Assemblies and published interviews were used.

The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court is a major landmark in the development of international accountability. Its preamble affirms “that the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole must not go unpunished and that their effective prosecution must be ensured by taking measures at the national level and by enhancing international cooperation”. Thus the signatory states were “determined to put an end to impunity for the perpetrators of these crimes and thus to contribute to the prevention of such crimes”. The ICC contributes to the fight against impunity and the establishment of the rule of law by punishing violations of international legal norms. Accountability is important for the past and the future of societies. The ICC needs the support and cooperation of the states to effectively perform its mandate. So without ratification and implementation of the Rome Statute the ICC will not have jurisdiction over non-member states, unless referred by the UN Security Council. The Rome Statute does not only create the ICC but it also creates the national jurisdiction of its States Parties as these states have the primary responsibility to investigate and prosecute Rome Statute crimes. With only five Arab states to date being State Parties to the Rome Statute, it is obvious that the region is underrepresented at the ICC. Despite their positive role played in the creation of the ICC, not ratifying the Rome Statute raises several questions, especially that the majority of states that voted against the Statute were from the Arab region. Ratifying and implementing the Rome Statute will strengthen the Arab states criminal justice system, enabling them to prosecute international crimes domestically and will deter any individual from committing them in the future, regardless his official position. It will also allow the Arab states to have the primary jurisdiction over international crimes and reinforces the entire judicial system. This research will examine the issue of ratification and implementation of the Rome Statute by the Arab states by analysing the reasons, challenges and obstacles of the Arab states for not becoming part of the international criminal justice system.

Muitos setores sociais apoiaram o golpe e a ditadura civil-militar brasileira (1964-1985). Uma parcela dessas pessoas se organizou em grupos para realizar atividades terroristas, com o objetivo de disseminar o medo e a insegurança entre a população, contribuindo para a manutenção de um Estado autoritário. O mais conhecido desses grupos foi o Comando de Caça aos Comunistas, conhecido pela sigla que assinava em suas atividades: CCC. Essas atividades ocorreram em várias cidades do Brasil entre 1968 e 1980, e consistiram em explosões de bombas, pichações e destruições de alvos como bancas de jornais e revistas, teatros, universidades, imprensa, setores da Igreja Católica; também faziam ameaças, atentados à vida, sequestro e assassinato de: artistas, estudantes, religiosos, jornalistas e políticos. A proposta deste trabalho é apresentar e analisar essas atividades, sob a ótica do terrorismo e da impunidade que, verificou-se, permearam todas as ações assinadas por aquela sigla. Para a realização da pesquisa foram utilizadas fontes impressas como meios de comunicação, documentos oficiais do Brasil, diários de Assembléias Legislativas estaduais e entrevistas publicadas. / Many social sectors supported the coup d‘état and the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985). A portion of those people organized themselves into groups to carry out terrorist activities, aimed at spreading fear and insecurity among the population, contributing to the maintenance of an authoritarian state. The most well-known of these groups was the Command in Pursuit of Communists, known by the Portuguese acronym of those activities: CCC. These activities occurred in several cities in Brazil between 1968 and 1980, and consisted in bombings, graffiti and destruction of aims like newsstands, theaters, universities, media, sectors of the Catholic Church; as well as threats, attacks against life, kidnapping and murder of: artists, students, clergy, journalists and politicians. The purpose of this paper is to present and analyze these activities, from the perspective of terrorism and impunity which permeated all actions carried out under that acronym. For the research, sources such as printed media outlets, official documents of Brazil, diaries from state Legislative Assemblies and published interviews were used.

Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2016-12-12T16:06:35Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) denise - Tese.pdf: 1309461 bytes, checksum: 4cb0f468668b92f538b5e25daa61e0c3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-12T16:06:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) denise - Tese.pdf: 1309461 bytes, checksum: 4cb0f468668b92f538b5e25daa61e0c3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-02 / Este estudo compreende a análise do julgamento da Ação Penal 470 e busca explorar o aporte discursivo contemplado no respectivo Acórdão. A finalidade é demonstrar que o STF inaugurou uma nova concepção jurídico-pragmática, tanto na perspectiva teórica como metodológica, sinalizando um novo marco referencial no processo de interpretação, argumentação e decisão em crimes contra a administração pública no Brasil. Objetivou-se identificar nos votos dos Ministros em que medida as aproximações teóricas e os métodos utilizados encontraram apoio no pragmatismo jurídico. As complexidades envolvidas no discurso adotado no Acórdão permitem examinar em que limite e sob quais condições existe um liame entre as construções retórico-argumentativas e eventuais inclinações sociais e ético-políticas, relacionando-as aos postulados do pragmatismo jurídico. À luz dessa abordagem, pretende-se desvelar uma nova arquitetura teórico-argumentativa forjada pelo STF no aludido julgamento. A análise lógico-formal não foi de todo abandonada; entretanto, a percepção dos fenômenos jurídicos passa a aflorar nos discursos dos Ministros sob a tônica do pragmatismo jurídico. Ao longo de todo esse julgamento, portanto, encontramos evidências sinalizadoras da presença de uma concepção jurídico-pragmática. A corrupção é um dos principais fenômenos desestabilizadores de um Estado Constitucional de Direito. O STF parece estar cioso do papel que lhe incumbe nesta situação problemática, sobretudo no que tange ao rompimento com o tradicional convencionalismo doutrinário jurídico-penal ainda vigente, fazendo com isso emergir um novo método de investigação de fenômenos dessa natureza. Em síntese, estes novos vetores indicam a construção de um aporte teórico-argumentativo consequencialista, contextualista, enfim, com uma forte tônica jurídico-pragmática, a caracterizar o julgamento da Ação Penal 470. / This study comprises the analysis of the criminal trial about corruption in Brazil (Acão Penal 470) and seeks to explore the discursive contribution contemplated in it. The purpose is to demonstrate that the Supreme Court started a new legal and pragmatic conception, both in a methodological and theoretical perspective, signaling a new framework in the process of interpretation, reasoning and decision on crimes against the public administration in Brazil. It also aimed to identify, in the votes of the Judges, how the theoretical approaches and methods used have found support in legal pragmatism. The complexities involved in the judicial discourse allows examine where and under what conditions is there a connection between the rhetorical-augmentative constructions and eventual social and ethical-political leanings, relating them to the postulates of legal pragmatism. In light of this approach, it is intended to unveil a new theoretical-argumentative architecture forged by the Supreme Court in the trial. The logical-formal analysis was not abandoned; however, the perception of legal phenomena happens to touch on in the speeches of Judges under the core of pragmatism. Throughout this trial, therefore, we have found great evidence of the presence of a legal and pragmatic conception. Nowadays, corruption is one of the main destabilizing factors of the rule of law. The Supreme Court judges seem to be aware of it and of their roles on this problematic situation, especially with regard to the traditional thought on criminal knowledge which is present in current legal academic writing. In short, these new vectors indicate the construction of a new theoretical and argumentative framework: consequentialist, contextualist and, finally, with a strong influence of legal pragmatism.

Après plusieurs réformes du Code pénal espagnol, de 1971 à 1995, confortées par la loi du 22 juin 2010, le législateur a voulu établir une distinction entre les drogues : les substances qui causent un grave danger à la santé et les autres. Parallèlement, la doctrine majoritaire et la jurisprudence ont poursuivi cette avancée en consacrant l'impunité du consommateur de "drogues toxiques, de stupéfiants ou de substances psychotropes". Cependant, s'il s'agit d'un drogodélinquant ou d'un consommateur qui diffuserait sa déviance et en particulier à l'encontre d'un mineur ou d'une personne dont les facultés physiques sont altérées, l'impunité est reconsidérée. De même, tout prosélytisme tendant à favoriser la consommation des drogues remet en cause la libéralisation voulue par les autorités espagnoles. Dès lors, certains auteurs prônent la légalisation pour que le principe de l'impunité du consommateur soit effectif. / Between 1971 and 1995, the Spanish code incurred several reforms. On June 22nd 2010, a new law confirmed those reforms, making a distinction between the drugs which jeopardize the public health and the other drugs. In the same time, the main doctrine and case law have gone a little further by asserting that consuming “toxic drugs, narcotics or psychotropic substances” was not unlawful anymore. However it remains unlawful to become a drug delinquent or spread one's deviancy among minors and mentally disturbed persons. Besides, proselytizing in favour of drug consuming goes against the Spanish authorities'will to liberalize the drug laws. Some authors now go so far as to advocate a legislation which would vouch for total consumer impunity. / Después de varias reformas del Código penal español, desde 1971 hasta 1995, confortadas por la ley del 22 junio de 2010, el legislator quiso establecer una distinción entre las drogas : las sustancias que causan grave daño a la salud y las otras. Al mismo tiempo, la doctrina mayoritaria y la jurisprudencia siguieron en esta vía, consagrando la impunidad del consumidor de "drogas tóxicas, de estupefacientes o de sustancias psicotrópicas". Sin embargo, si se trata de un drogodelincuente o de un consumidor que difunde su toxicomanía y particularmente en contra de un menor o de una persone con facultades psíquicas disminuidas, se vuelve a considerar la impunidad. Lo mismo, todo proselitismo que favorezca la consumición de drogas pone en peligro la liberalización deseada por las autoridades españolas. Desde entonces, algunos autores piensan que la legalización del consumo establecerá la efectividad del principio de la impunidad.

La quête d’une réponse à l’impunité des crimes internationaux a connu un pas de géant avec l’adoption par un grand nombre d’États du Statut de Rome créant la Cour pénale internationale. Néanmoins, toujours jaloux de leur souveraineté, ces États ont fait de cette dernière une juridiction complémentaire. Cette Cour n’agit que lorsque des crimes relevant de sa compétence, commis par de hautes autorités, ne font pas l’objet d’enquêtes ou poursuites sérieuses sur le plan national. Mais aussi, dans une approche proactive de sa complémentarité, elle est appelée à catalyser l’organisation des enquêtes ou poursuites au niveau national en assistant ou en encourageant les instances nationales. Cette complémentarité de la CPI par rapport aux systèmes judiciaires nationaux constitue le seul moyen par lequel cette cour lutte contre l’impunité des crimes internationaux. Cependant, au lieu de constituer un remède à l’impunité, la mise en œuvre de ce principe et la manière dont il est libellé dans le Statut de Rome, en serait plutôt, dans la plupart des cas, la source. Pour étayer ces propos, cette étude met en exergue la politisation et l’instrumentalisation qui entachent la mise en œuvre de ce principe ainsi que l’exploitation insuffisante de la complémentarité positive. Après avoir interrogé l’évolution de la justice pénale internationale pour dégager son caractère complémentaire, ce mémoire décortique le sens et la portée du principe de complémentarité. Il vérifie ensuite notre hypothèse par l’analyse de la mise en œuvre de ce principe dans les situations en Côte d’Ivoire et en Libye. Au final, il suggère la révision de la base juridique de ce principe et l’optimisation de la complémentarité positive comme véritable rempart contre l’impunité des crimes internationaux les plus graves. / Many States have ratified the Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court (ICC). In response to the issue of international crimes which usually go unpunished, this represents a giant step forward. However, by exercising much of their sovereignty, these States have made the ICC a supplementary jurisdiction which only acts when crimes within its jurisdiction committed by high authorities, are not subject to serious investigations or prosecutions at the national levels. As a proactive approach to its complementarity, it is required to catalyze the organization of investigations or prosecutions at the national levels by assisting or encouraging local authorities. This complementarity of the ICC to the national judiciary systems constitutes the only way this court has available to fight against international crimes impunity. However, the implementation of this principle and the way it is worded in the Rome Statute, constitute, in most cases, the source of impunity rather than its remedy. In order to do so, this study first highlights the politicization and instrumentalisation that plagued the implementation of this principle and the insufficient exploration of positive complementarity. It secondly gives an overview of the evolution of international criminal justice stressing its complementary nature. The meaning and scope of the principle of complementarity will be then scrutinized which will allow for testing our hypothesis; taking Ivory Coast’s and Libya’s contexts as cases in point. In light of the results, suggestions in terms of revisions of the legal basis of this principle and the optimization of positive complementarity as a true weapon against impunity of such unheard of crimes are discussed.