Objectives. Scholars have debated Max Weber's theory of the relationship between religion and capitalism for almost 100 years. Still, the debate is clouded by confusion over Weber's claims about religious doctrine and over the supporting evidence. The purpose of this study is to clarify Max Weber's claims regarding the concept of the calling and the related "anti-mammon" injunction and concept of "good works" and substantiate with historical evidence the religious doctrine Weber describes. Methods. Comparative analysis of early Protestant Lutheran and Calvinist documents from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was used to flesh out a history of ideas to determine whether evidence exists to support Weber's claims related to religious doctrine. Results. Historical analyses revealed that the concept of the calling pre-dated Luther in the Bible. Luther's innovation was not in his use of the word beruf but in his application of the concept of the calling to the common people and his teaching of that idea. The idea of sanctified work was key in both Lutheran and Calvinist documents. There was an increased emphasis on work and encouragement to accumulate wealth in Calvinist documents. Conclusion. Weber's etymological evidence surrounding Martin Luther's use of the word beruf in his German translation of the bible is idiosyncratic and not important to the transmission of the concept of the calling. Luther's application of the concept of the calling to the laity and idea of sanctified work, however, is the foundation on which the Protestant ethic rests, as Weber claims. Weber's other claims regarding the concept of work in early Protestantism are also supported here. Weber did not overstate the implications for societal transformation in early Protestant theology.

Submitted by Edisangela Bastos (edisangela@ufpa.br) on 2012-10-08T22:38:56Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_BuberWeberPolitica.pdf: 592118 bytes, checksum: 158251236516aa679442f2a1e0646b2c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Rosa Silva(arosa@ufpa.br) on 2012-10-09T15:23:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_BuberWeberPolitica.pdf: 592118 bytes, checksum: 158251236516aa679442f2a1e0646b2c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-09T15:23:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_BuberWeberPolitica.pdf: 592118 bytes, checksum: 158251236516aa679442f2a1e0646b2c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Weber, como perceberemos mais tarde, assumiu como desafio a tentativa de apontar um resgate para a possível corrosão da política na modernidade, pois em uma época histórica marcada pela percepção de empreendimento, constitui-se uma dificuldade fazer com que a política assuma a característica de vocação. Buber assumirá a importância para a compreensão de um viés para o agir oriundo de uma outra vertente interpretativa da política, distinta dos traços clássicos da modernidade ocidental, contribuindo decisivamente para a elaboração da decisão ética firmada em uma transcendência alicerçada na mística judaica e no humanismo hebraico. Quais seriam então as condições para a política assumir uma relação digna com a ética, em uma era marcada pela desvalorização de todos os valores? Ou em uma concepção Iluminista, como doar à política a possibilidade de retomar o princípio da emancipação dentro da própria eficácia, incorporando a necessidade do “responder ético” em relação à face do outro? Questões como as apontadas acima são os alicerces que motivaram esta pesquisa. / Weber, as we will perceive later, assumed as challenge the attempt to point a rescue with respect to the possible corrosion of the politics in modernity, therefore at a historical time marked by the enterprise perception, a difficulty consists to make with that the politics assumes the vocation characteristic. Buber will assume the importance for the understanding of a bias it to act deriving of one another interpretative source of the politics, distinct of the classic traces of modernity occidental person, contributing decisively for the elaboration of the firmed ethical decision in a valor religious in the Jewish mistic and the Hebrew humanism. Which would be then the conditions it politics to assume a worthy relation with the ethics, in an age marked for the depreciation of all the values? Or in an enlightenment of conception, as to donate to the politics the possibility to inside retake the principle of the emancipation of the proper effectiveness, incorporating the necessity of “answering ethical” in relation to the face of the other? Questions as the pointed ones above are the foundations that had motivated this research.

The Exodus story of the Israelites' slavery in Egypt and subsequent redemption was central to Jewish accounts of their national origins and was an important component of Jewish self-identification in antiquity. Although Greek and Latin sources appear ignorant of the Exodus story, ancient ethnographies of the Jews in non-Jewish sources claim that the Jews were originally Egyptian. This thesis examines how Josephus presents the Exodus story of the Jews' servile national origins in Egypt to a Roman audience who had biases against slaves, freedmen, and Egyptians, and little knowledge of Jewish origins apart from reports that they were Egyptian by origin. Josephus's first work Jewish War, a politico-military history, includes tangential remarks about Jewish origins, but implies in the proem that the Jews were originally Egyptian. Jewish Antiquities, which rewrites the biblical account of Jewish origins, explicitly denies that the Jews were originally Egyptian and deliberately omits mention of the Jews' servitude in Egypt at important points in the narrative where it would have been expected. In Against Apion, an apologia, Josephus subtly uses keywords and the rhetorical technique of insinuatio to prove that the Jews were not originally Egyptian without stating openly that this is a goal of the work. Several factors explain these results. Aristotle's theory of natural slavery, which posits that slaves are innately defective, was part of the ideological assumptions of first century CE Roman elites. Romans were also ambivalent about their own partly-servile origins in Romulus's asylum. Influenced by Augustan propaganda about Actium, first-century Roman sources deride Egyptians with a range of negative stereotypes. Josephus denies that the Jews were Egyptian and omits their servile origins at important points in the narrative where the Bible mentions it in order to portray the Jews as favorably as possible.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:12:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 6137.pdf: 2477459 bytes, checksum: 7f1c69b3d934f96b2c206446f0d478fc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-08 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / The main subject of this investigation is concerned with the idealistic influences on Max Weber spiritualistic interpretation. The problem gained as heritage from German idealism, initially referred as an inverted world , since it can be understood as the difficulty that challenges the historic interpretation of practical values, this problem may be also identified inside Max Weber s interpretation of both, ethical and aesthetical phenomena. This investigation is twofold, as the subtitle indicates; the first part shall deal with the aesthetical fragmentation, the emergence of conflictive values in the artistic phenomena. The second part shall deal with the ethical crisis, undertaking this expression in the most literal sense, as a breakdown or a rupture of the ethical world. Both interpretations shall joint together, composing the Weberian diagnosis of an absolute polytheism and of the problem of theodicy. The Weberian theory of values once properly grasped shall finally guide us to draw a conclusion about the relation between spiritualistic and materialistic interpretations, as presented in the guidelines of Max Weber s greatest interests in the economic ethics of the world religions. / O principal tema dessa investigação está voltado para as influências idealistas na intepretação espiritualista de Max Weber. O problema adquirido por herança do idealismo alemão, denominado inicialmente de problema do mundo invertido , corresponde à dificuldade que desafia a intepretação histórica dos valores práticos. Ele será identificado no interior da interpretação de Max Weber tanto dos fenômenos éticos como estéticos. Tal como o subtítulo sugere, trata-se de uma investigação em duas instâncias; a primeira abordará a fragmentação estética, o surgimento de valores conflitantes segundo os fenômenos do campo da arte. A segunda parte abordará a crise ética, tomando essa expressão no seu sentido mais literal, como um rompimento, uma cisão no mundo ético. Essas duas interpretações poderão ser justapostas por se remeterem tanto ao diagnóstico de Weber de um politeísmo, como ao problema da teodiceia. Uma vez que a teoria weberiana dos valores for propriamente identificada, ela poderá então nos conduzir a uma conclusão acerca da relação entre a interpretação espiritualista e materialista que compõe o principal interesse de Max Weber na ética econômica das religiões mundiais.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:35:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-12-10Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T21:07:30Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 gigante_lc_dr_arafcl.pdf: 728927 bytes, checksum: 3324fc0a4b972f5ba4c0f305e0f03617 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / A presente pesquisa propõe-se a estabelecer um diálogo com a Sociologia Política de Max Weber, vendo-a como uma área estruturada pelos conceitos de dominação e legitimação, basicamente. Ao contrário da forma de discussão mais corrente que analisa e aplica tais conceitos – bem como os conceitos a eles imediatamente relacionados, como poder, organização e luta – queremos trabalhar a articulação entre idéias e interesses enquanto uma dimensão implícita nestes conceitos, pois que mantém estreita afinidade com eles. Isto significa que as idéias se inserem em cursos de legitimação de interesses materiais e de interesses ideais. Pretendemos demonstrar que existem, no pensamento de Weber, três níveis cruciais desta articulação, quais sejam: o epistemológico, o teórico sistemático de sua Sociologia da Religião e o de sua Sociologia Política, sendo que este último se objetiva a partir da ênfase nas justificações internas em que se apóia a dominação. Derivamos daí a principal questão da pesquisa: como as idéias se inserem em cursos de legitimação específicos? / This study aims to establish a dialogue with Max Weber’s Political Sociology, deeming it as an area structured by the concepts of domination and legitimation, basically. Unlike the most common approach, which analyzes and applies such concepts – as well as the concepts immediately related to them, such as power, organization and strife – we would like to work the articulation between ideas and interests as an implicit dimension in these concepts, for it bears close affinity with them. This means that ideas are inserted in courses of legitimation of ideal and material interests. Our intention is to demonstrate that there are, in Weber’s thought, three crucial levels of such articulation: the epistemological, the theoretical systematic of his Sociology of Religion and that of his Political Sociology, the latter being objectified from the emphasis on the internal justifications which support domination. From that argument we derive the main question of this study: how are ideas embedded in specific courses of legitimation?

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Agronomia e Medicina Veterinária, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Agronegócios, 2013. / Submitted by Albânia Cézar de Melo (albania@bce.unb.br) on 2013-08-13T14:57:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_TiagoParreiraCarvalhoGuimaraes.pdf: 2603646 bytes, checksum: c6e5fc9fbce14de040be165c01250775 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Guimaraes Jacqueline(jacqueline.guimaraes@bce.unb.br) on 2013-08-14T11:47:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_TiagoParreiraCarvalhoGuimaraes.pdf: 2603646 bytes, checksum: c6e5fc9fbce14de040be165c01250775 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-08-14T11:47:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_TiagoParreiraCarvalhoGuimaraes.pdf: 2603646 bytes, checksum: c6e5fc9fbce14de040be165c01250775 (MD5) / O presente estudo tem como objetivo compreender como se deu o conflito entre duas diferentes lógicas econômicas sobre o crédito rural no período que vai de 1965 a 1990 e quais pressupostos sustentavam a busca de legitimidade dessas lógicas e o consequente controle sobre as diretrizes da política do crédito rural. Adotou-se como referencial teórico elementos da Teoria Geral dos Campos de Pierre Bourdieu conjugado com proposições de Max Weber sobre racionalidade da gestão econômica. Este procedimento foi possível pela ênfase que os autores dão a questão dos conflitos entre interesses antagônicos dos agentes sociais. Isto permitiu propor a explicação do SNCR como uma proposta política de modernização do setor agrícola brasileiro que tem a origem de seus conflitos e disputas em um antagonismo de interesses construídos sobre diferentes percepções econômicas. Este estudo adota a pesquisa documental e bibliográfica e entrevistas presenciais semiestruturadas como procedimento analítico. Tratamos basicamente das duas principais “crenças econômicas” no crédito rural como sendo derivadas de diferentes padrões de racionalidade econômica. Estas geram lógicas de atuação, ou estratégias, de disputa sobre a forma e finalidade do financiamento que seguiu a trajetória prescrita por Max Weber, no sentido do desenrolar histórico ser na direção de uma gradual racionalização formal em detrimento das expectativas dos agentes valorativos, submetidos as forças mais amplas da política econômica nacional, situação típica de sociedades modernas. A análise ressalta uma oposição previsível entre, de um lado, os agentes portadores de uma racionalidade formal ligados às autoridades monetárias controladoras das fontes de recursos da política de crédito. Por isso conseguiam submeter o SNCR as diretrizes da política macroeconômica tornando o crédito rural um subcampo extremamente susceptível as conjunturas macroeconômicas. A força e legitimidade dos “formalistas” derivavam dos argumentos técnicos de cunho fiscal e monetário. São os indivíduos ligados a esse grupo que conseguiram predominância dentro do BB e transitaram com maior facilidade entre governo e banco, tornando os funcionários “valorativos” quadros anacrônicos da instituição. De outro lado, os agentes mais valorativos orbitavam em torno da política agrícola, principalmente, as organizações ruralistas que formavam grupos de pressão junto aos parlamentares ligados ao setor, que se utilizavam de maneira geral a noção de serviço público para manter as características econômicas do crédito rural. Nesse mercado representavam o papel de demandantes. ______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / This study aims to understand how was the conflict between two different economic logics of rural credit in the period from 1965 to 1990 and assumptions which supported the search for legitimacy of logical and consequent control over policy guidelines for rural credit. It was adopted as theoretical elements of the General Theory of Fields of Pierre Bourdieu conjunction with Max Weber's propositions about rationality of economic management. This procedure was made possible by the emphasis that the authors give the issue of conflicts between antagonistic interests of social agents. This allowed propose the explanation of SNCR as a policy proposal to modernize the Brazilian agricultural sector which has the origin of conflicts and disputes in an antagonism of interests built on different economic perceptions. This study adopts the bibliographic and documentary research and semi-structured face to face interviews as analytical procedure. We deal basically the two main "economic beliefs" in rural credit as being derived from different patterns of economic rationality. These generate logics of action or strategies of dispute over the shape and purpose of the funding that followed the path prescribed by Max Weber, in the sense of unfolding history is toward a gradual rationalization rather formal agents' expectations evaluative, submitted the broader forces of national economic policy, a situation typical of modern societies. The analysis highlights a predictable opposition between; on the one hand, agents bearing a formal rationality linked monetary authorities controlling the sources of funds of the credit policy. So could submit the SNCR guidelines macroeconomic policy making rural credit a subfield extremely susceptible to macroeconomic conjunctures. The strength and legitimacy of the "formalist" derived from technical arguments of fiscal and monetary nature. Individuals are connected to this group who managed predominance within the BB and moved with ease between government and bank officials making "evaluative" frames anachronistic institution. On the other hand, the agents more evaluative orbited agricultural policy, especially ruralists organizations that formed pressure groups together parliamentarians linked to the sector, which used to be the general notion of public service to keep the economic characteristics of rural credit. In this market accounted for the role of plaintiff.

This study was an examination of businesses that became big businesses in the United States during the time period between the years of 1861 and 1890, a period of time frequently referred to as the “big business era.” The purpose of the study was to identify actions taken by businesses that enabled them to become and remain big businesses. A secondary purpose of the study was to show that these actions were explained by theories of Karl Marx and Max Weber. The results of the study showed that businesses which took specific actions were able to become and remain big businesses and these actions were explained by the theories of Marx and Weber. The results of the study demonstrate the ability of classical sociological theory to explain macro-level social change.

This dissertation offers a novel quantitative method for assessing an actor's subjective temporal orientation. Our method involves the use of supervised machine learning techniques in concert with natural language processing tools and linguistic principles. We suggest our method may offer a clandestine technique for extracting aspects of an actor’s temporal orientations from right behind their back. This capacity occurs because of the unique ways time references are reflected in language syntax. This reflection does not simply occur in face-to-face spoken interactions, but also resides in recorded vocal transcripts and within textual documents articulated by speakers for a social audience (e.g., political speeches). . From a social theory point of view, we argue that our technique can help objectify some of the major links theorists have long made between the temporal features of mind, subjective meaning, and social processes. Temporal orientation has long been defined as a tripartite mental process. Edmund Husserl famously defined this process as involving retention (a mental focus on past), presentation (a mental focus on the present) or protention (a mental envisioning of the future). From a pure phenomenology perspective, Husserl’s innovation was to link this mental interlocking process with meaning-making. For Husserl, it was directly through an actor’s temporal orientation that meaning became variably constituted and the problem of subjectivity emerged. From a sociological point of view, it is primarily through Alfred Schutz’s formulation of social phenomenology that Husserl’s tripartite system was opened to accommodate the influence of the social in meaning-making. This opening has possessed a long-standing contradiction. For Schutz, endogenous social structure could affect where an actor temporally orients. The resulting implication is that social structure could have a direct effect on how actors assign specific meanings in social systems. Even more, social structure could facilitate shared temporal orientations among actors. However, Schutz also promoted the idea that different temporal orientations could explain how different meanings could be assigned to the same social object by disparate actors. This possibility served as the centerpiece of Schutz’s well-known methodological critique of Max Weber’s direct linkage between subjective meaning, motive, and empathetic based interpretations of social action. To carry out our efforts to quantify how the subjective processes of temporal orientation appear to be influenced by endogenous social processes, we employed our algorithm on three different text-based data sets. We suggest these datasets possess strong reflections of the social world. The first dataset entails a collection of matched twitter tweets that correspond to Trump’s reelection bid and Biden’s challenge during the 2020 period. In this dataset, our method illustrates how both candidates appear to have different temporal orientations despite being bounded by a similar social event. We suggest this finding may reflect the relationship between what Schütz called inner duration and the influence of external stocks of knowledge (i.e., external structures.) The second dataset corresponds to a recorded conversational transcript of the Cuban missile crisis, taken from President Kennedy’s Executive Committee of the National Security Council (ExComm) on the 6th of October in 1962. Using our algorithm, we offer objective measures of homogenous temporal orientations of committee members that are consistent with meso-group conformity. We suggest that our method may offer a novel way of measuring group conformity in general. The third dataset consists of the State of the Union Corpora (SOU). In this dataset, we apply our algorithm to identify changes in temporal orientation occurring among a single President’s entire collection of SOU speeches. Furthermore, we compare the average temporal orientation of the Presidents in relation to various social categories, such as party affiliation and societal events. The scope of the Presidents inventoried for temporal orientation is restricted from Eisenhower to Biden.

À travers l'examen de plusieurs critiques de la raison instrumentale, ce mémoire cherchera à déterminer s'il en est une qui soit le mieux à même de répondre de la complexité de la société occidentale moderne. Tout d'abord, la problématique sera introduite avec la lecture de Max Weber proposée par Jürgen Habermas. Il sera question chez Weber du phénomène de la rationalisation de la société. Partant de l'évidence que la sphère cognitive-instrumentale de la raison s'impose fortement dans la modernité, notamment par le complexe monétaire-bureaucratique, il s'agira d'expliquer, en revenant sur le processus historique du désenchantement du monde, comment la rationalité par rapport à une fin a-t-elle pu devenir aussi dominante dans nos institutions sociales? Ensuite, la critique de la réification de Max Horkheimer et Theodor W. Adorno sera abordée. Elle voudra montrer que la raison est totalitaire dans son essence; la raison a toujours produit de la domination et de la violence dans tous ses rapports: à la nature, à la société et à la subjectivité. Depuis le tout premier mot de l'homme, mana, jusqu'à l'Aufklärung en passant par le mythe, la raison est totalitaire. Enfin, Jürgen Habermas proposera un changement de paradigme qui, selon lui, est nécessaire pour dépasser le concept de raison réduit à son seul potentiel cognitif-instrumental. C'est dans le paradigme du langage que Habermas trouvera les ressources manquantes pour saisir le riche potentiel de la rationalité communicationnelle. Puis, grâce à ce nouveau paradigme, il pourra adéquatement conceptualiser les deux niveaux qui composent la société moderne: le système et le monde vécu. C'est seulement après avoir considéré l'importance du rôle que joue le système pour la reproduction matérielle et le monde vécu pour l'intercompréhension que Habermas abordera la colonisation systémique du monde vécu, une critique de la raison instrumentale nuancée et représentative de l'ambivalence qui caractérise la société moderne.

Le but du présent mémoire est d'expliciter la thèse habermasienne voulant que la modernité demeure un projet inachevé. Après avoir exposé la définition habermassienne de la modernité, nous verrons comment Habermas nuance la vision, pessimiste des différents critiques de la modernité. Notre auteur affirme que la modernité laisse place à un double processus de rationalisation à savoir la rationalisation instrumentale et la rationalisation communicationnelle. La thèse de Habermas est que le potentiel communicationnel de la modernité n'a pas été pleinement développé. Nous verrons comment Habermas considère que la théorie de l'agir communicationnel permet de libérer le potentiel émancipateur de la modernité. Nous conclurons en analysant trois types de conservatisme (néo-conservatisme, vieux conservatisme et jeune conservatisme) critiqués par Habermas.