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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005. / Thesis Advisor(s): Karen Guttieri, Letitia Lawson. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-75). Also available online.

Thesis (M.M. (Security))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, Graduate School of Public and Development Management, 2016 / This study seeks to interrogate how regional institutions in Africa construct their foreign policies. States are faced with a continuously evolving global structure and as a result face complex challenges that require the collaboration of collective efforts to resolve. In order to overcome such challenges states are tasked with the challenge that involves finding ways to amalgamate their policy frameworks. This is a serious challenge, but one that states must overcome if they are to find effective solutions to growing global challenges. What this research has endeavoured to achieve is show exactly how the task of forging collective or common foreign policy is achieved and what institutions are best suited to help African regions achieve their goals of a common foreign policy. To this end, the study uses qualitative design and employs document and content analysis, focusing on the structure and history of the two organisations (ECOWAS and SADC). It then looks at the three foreign policy approaches (climate change, terrorism, and maritime security), comparing the coordination of each and seeking out what works in terms of finding and/ or building of the necessary institutions in order to gauge the cohesion of the regional organisations given different contexts. The adherence to sovereignty by member states has proven once again to be an impediment where collaboration particularly of the supranational nature is concerned. What this study has endeavoured to do is to show that despite an adherence to sovereignty certain goals can be achieved. While the adherence to sovereignty is deemed a constraint towards cohesive regionalisation, this study finds that the issue is not necessarily an adherence to sovereignty, but the imposition of unrealistic or misplaced targets such as the vision of the two African sub-regions to acquire supranational institutions. For the most part, the findings were that African regionalism continues to evolve as intergovernmental organisations. Using Brosig’s (2013) typology of convergence This study has not only shed light into what works as a framework for achieving set goals and targets, but it has also shed light into the different types of arrangements that can be achieved given different contexts. This study hopes to add value to the understanding of the African regional society and how it makes and implements its decisions, The hope is that this also sheds light into understanding reasons behind policy failures and their successes thereof. / GR2018

Student Number : 0414488P - MA research report - School of Social Sciences - Faculty of Humanities / This study aims at highlighting the politics of international cooperation with respect to monetary integration in West Africa. Monetary integration was envisaged in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) when the organization was formed in 1975. Two decades after its formation, it was realized by member states that limited success had been achieved as far as the objectives of the organization were concerned. As a result, the ECOWAS Treaty was revised and significant decisions were made in 1993, and the call for a monetary union was reiterated. Factors which could have worked against the formation of a monetary union prior to 1993 changed in favour of monetary cooperation. The adoption of the Euro in the European Union and more especially by France, weakened the symbolic link of the CFA Franc zone to France, and to an extent reduced the French stigma, which had hitherto discouraged Anglophone countries from participating in an expanded monetary union with their Francophone counterparts. The democratic transition of Nigeria and the accession to power of a new leader who has shown commitment to regional integration, improved cooperation arrangements among ECOWAS states in working towards the formalization of a monetary union. The transformation from the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to the African Union (AU) and its strategy of creating a common African currency as well as the emergence of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) provided extra motivations for African states to show more commitment towards integration. Based on the above factors, several positive steps have been taken towards the formalization of a monetary union in the community. The West African Monetary Zone (WAMZ) was realized in 2000 and more importantly, the West African Monetary Institute (WAMI) was created and started operating in the same year. The Institute was created to prepare the groundwork for the creation of the West African Central Bank. The above mentioned factors increased the prospects of forming a monetary union in the community but several challenges still remain. First there is the problem of the asymmetric nature of the economies in the region. Secondly, political instability is a major factor that militates against the formation of such a union. Domestic political instability in Nigeria, which is heightened by ethnic and religious differences as well as the asymmetric nature of her economy in relation to those of other states in the region, makes it difficult for a monetary union to revolve around her. This research project is centered on Treaties, statistical analysis, theories and concepts and literature from economic and financial institutions. We conclude by stating that the analysis here reflects the situation on the ground and provide lessons to member states of the community, prospects for monetary integration would be further improved if member states work coherently to overcome such challenges.

L’institutionnalisation du contrôle des finances publiques en Afrique francophone remonte à la période d’avant les indépendances. De ce fait, les textes organiques correspondants, depuis les années d’indépendance jusqu’au 21ème siècle, tirent leurs sources essentiellement des textes français. C’est ainsi que les premiers contrôles dans les colonies françaises étaient organisés par des textes législatifs et réglementaires de la métropole. Ces organes étaient connus sous le nom d’Inspection des colonies, puis Inspection de la France d’Outre- Mer. « Les contrôles prévus par ces différents textes étaient plutôt des contrôles généraux, purement administratifs, ces contrôles n’avaient pas une vocation financière particulière ». Il ne pouvait en être autrement car, l’administration publique de l’époque était gérée depuis la métropole. L’étude des systèmes de contrôle financiers publics dans l’espace de l’Union Economique et Monétaire Ouest Africaine (UEMOA) à travers l’ordonnancement juridique organisationnel et fonctionnel du contrôle dans un des pays membres, le Bénin, se fonde sur deux éléments a) l’évolution des différents systèmes de contrôle des vingt dernières années ; b) le poids du contrôle dans le développement économique et social. Dans une étude intitulée « quelques réflexions sur le contrôle des fonds publics », A. Barilari justifie la mise en place de procédures de contrôle particulières pour les finances publiques, comparativement à celle qui prévaut dans les entreprises privées, par le fait que les finances des administrations publiques ont un poids très important dans le PIB français. De plus, les articles 13, 14 et 15 de la Déclaration des Droits de l’Homme et du Citoyen de 1789 constituent le fondement du droit financier public depuis la révolution française du 18ème siècle. Les différents régimes qui se sont succédé en France depuis deux siècles ont compris l’enjeu que constitue la gestion des fonds publics en mettant en œuvre des politiques de réformes des organes de contrôle. Les résultats de ces politiques de renforcement des systèmes de contrôle se trouvent dans la performance mesurée des indicateurs socioéconomiques du pays. Si en Afrique, les mêmes indicateurs évoluent presque en sens inverse malgré la mise en œuvre de systèmes de contrôle et des réformes similaires à la France, il y a lieu de s’interroger d’abord sur la perception réelle du concept de contrôle en vigueur dans ces pays. C’est à juste titre que dans son discours « vaincre l’humiliation », Albert Tévoédjrè affirme « la corruption est un cancer, un cancer moral qui, de manière insidieuse, sape les fondements de nos sociétés et, donc, de notre civilisation…». Cette réflexion s’inscrit parmi les nombreuses réponses à la question de recherche des motifs qui expliquent le sous-développement de quelques Etats du continent. / No English summary available.

Typescript (photocopy). / Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries / Department: Political Science.

This thesis focuses on the topic ‘The World Trade Organisation and Food Insecurity in the South: Prospects for the ECOWAS sub-region'. It is cast against the background of the prevailing global food crisis which is generally accepted as having assumed monumental dimensions in sub-Saharan Africa where a total of over 150 million people are said to be under the direct threat of hunger and starvation. The study appraises the mainstream understanding of the root causes of the on-going food crisis, the policies prescribed for their resolution as well as the efficacy of the neo-liberal multilateral institutional frameworks from within which these are currently being deployed. The global and regional multilateral institutions of reference here are the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) respectively. The study contends that the hegemonic narrative is severely limited; that the perspective which drives it suffers from some highly virulent blind-spots on the critical questions of history and the structural notions of power – notions which go to the very heart of the contemporary structuring of the global food system, and which, in the case of West Africa, is assuring the privileged access of some classes to food and food-producing resources whilst excluding the bulk of the class of the majority. Consequently, from a macro-historical qualitative perspective, the study develops and deploys an alternative conceptual framework from within which it appraises the regional agricultural and related trade policies of the member states of the ECOWAS which were developed in response to the neoliberal regimes of the WTO. With the reality of third world structural dependency as a point of departure, and situating this within the theoretical framework of Robert W. Cox and the tenets of Dependency theory, the study poses the question of whether and/or how, in the specific instance of West Africa, the framing of the region’s food and agricultural policies, couched as they have been in conformity to the broader context of the regimes of the WTO, has resulted in the aggravation of insecurity in food production and consumption. Pursuant to investigating this question, the study finds that as adherence by the member states of the ECOWAS to the rules of the WTO Agreements in particular and the dictates of neoliberal economic agenda in general intensifies, regional food and agricultural development strategies of the region have invariably proven incapable of overcoming the logic of structural capitalist dependency. Rather, as the ECOWAP achieves coincidence with the regimes of the WTO, those exact material conditions that stymie the prospects for structural transformation of the agrarian economy in the West African sub-region are being reinforced. The exacerbation of the associated problems of agricultural productivity decline, as well as the concomitant loss of household and national incomes is effectively putting even the food that is available both in the local and international markets well beyond the reach of the bulk of the poverty stricken majority of the people of Western Africa.

This study analyzed the economic welfare implications of the 1990 intraregional trade liberalization scheme within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) on member country producers and consumers. Four countries were chosen as a point of focus: Burkina Faso, Cote d'Ivoire, Ghana and Mali, and two commodities: millet and sorghum. The supply and demand functions were estimated using time series data from 1970 to 1990 obtained at the level of administrative regions within each of the four countries. Optimal production, consumption, trade quantities and trade flows were determined using the REACTT model, a spatial price equilibrium solution algorithm. Two trade scenarios were simulated. The first examined trade flows under the 1990 tariff structures and the second examined trade flows under the proposed zero tariff rates. / The REACTT model results showed that removal of the tariffs would increase the crossborder trade flows between the four countries by about 12% for millet and 38% for sorghum. The welfare calculations showed that in the case of millet, all four countries would have net positive gains to the tune of $4.6 million in total. For sorghum, Burkina Faso, Ghana and Mali would have net positive gains, C ote d'Ivoire would have a net welfare loss, and the net impact on all four countries would be a positive gain of about $9.3 million. The results of the REACTT model and the welfare calculations suggest that intra-ECOWAS trade liberalization would increase total trade flows and total economic well being of the member countries.

The hypothesis underlying this research is that Africa's leaders are under a moral/political imperative to summon the will to develop a capacity to intervene in conflicts, possibly with external assistance, but without direct extra-continental intervention. This begs two questions. Is Africa right — politically and morally – to assume this task? And should the rest of the world, particularly the traditional intervening powers, accept and/or promote and/or assist African self-pacification? A trend toward subsidiarity and the regionalisation of conflict management in the African context followed reversals for United Nations and Western policy in the early 1990s, notably in Somalia and Rwanda. In the wake of these setbacks the universal impulse to intervene wherever necessary was overshadowed by a particularist/relativist position that distinguished Africa and African conflicts as cases apart. This translated in theoretical terms to a switch away from a cosmopolitan position allowing of international intervention to a communitarian position that promotes the African 'community' or African sub-regional 'communities' as the primary loci for addressing conflict. The continental organisation, the Organisation of African Union (0AU), has been hampered in assuming this task by its strict Charter adherence to state sovereignty and non-intervention in the internal affairs of its member states. As a result the logic of subsidiarity devolved on Africa's sub-regional organisations, in particular the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC). However, these organisations have found development of a security framework problematic, suffered from internal rivalries and have been hindered by paucity of funds and logistics. Interventions undertaken under the auspices of these bodies have often been of dubious legitimacy under international law. Viewed from the perspective of the 'just war' tradition these interventions also invariably seem morally suspect. Unwilling to intervene directly, the United States, France and Britain have established a joint initiative to enhance peacekeeping capacity in Africa. This project, under funded and ill considered, has proven inadequate from the perspective of both African participants and its sponsors. The research examines two case studies — intervention by the OAU in Chad in 1980-1982 and the peacekeeping operation undertaken by ECO WAS in Guinea-Bissau in 1998-1999. These cases confirm that existing mechanisms are ineffective for addressing African intra-state conflict. Moreover, they show that extra-African involvement remains an enduring feature of conflict on the continent. A return to the universal/cosmopolitan impulse in terms of international intervention in African conflicts seems unlikely in the short to medium term. In view of this neglect Africa must continue the project of self-pacification. The West is under a moral duty to set aside narrow national interests and expand and improve its existing peacekeeping capacity enhancement programme.

Thesis (M.M.A.S)--US Army Command and General Staff College, 2006. / Title from title screen (viewed on Apr. 9, 2008). Includes bibliographical references (p. 68-71).