Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Colorado, Boulder, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [356]-404).

Chaque partie de l'espace, matérialisée par les frontières terrestres, maritimes ou aériennes est convoitée par les nations qui parviennent à en faire des chasses gardées à l’exception d’une seule composante : le cyberespace. Ce lieu d’échanges et de circulation de l’information s'est affranchi de cet accaparement. C’est ce qui le rend réel pour les utilisations qu’il permet (envois de messages, diffusion des informations en temps réel, formations…) et virtuel (dans la mesure où les réseaux numériques empruntent des voies difficilement localisables) au point de générer des difficultés quant à son encadrement par la loi. Dès lors, le cyberespace s’érige en un espace où il est aisé de cultiver des activités illégales compte tenu des facilités qu’il offre. Les activités illégales épousent des formes pluridimensionnelles et complexes qu’on regroupe sous l’appellation générique de cybercriminalité. De par sa nature et ses subdivisions, la cybercriminalité fait l’objet de réflexions, d’études, de recherches, de mises en place de politiques et d’actions à une échelle nationale et internationale en vue de parvenir à son éradication. Les actions sont menées de manière coordonnée entre les Etats et les institutions. La lutte contre ce phénomène interplanétaire exige la mutualisation des efforts de la part des acteurs des télécommunications, de l’informatique, de toutes les couches professionnelles ainsi que de la part des consommateurs sous réserve qu’ils soient bien informés des risques liés à l’usage du cyberespace. L’étude comparée des systèmes de répression mis en oeuvre dans les espaces européen et ouest-africain permettra de mieux comprendre l’exercice du droit souverain pénal face à la cybercriminalité et l’importance des collaborations entre ces deux espaces communautaires. / Each party of the space, realized by the ground, maritime or air borders is desired by the nations which succeed in making it private grounds with the exception of a single component: the cyberspace. This place of exchanges and circulation of information freed itself from this cornering. It is what makes it real for the uses which it allows (sendings of messages, broadcasting) of real-time information, trainings and virtual (as far as the digital networks follow with difficulty localizable paths) in the point to generate difficulties as for its frame by the law. From then on, the cyberspace sets up itself as a space where it is easy to cultivate illegal activities considering the opportunities which it offers. The illegal activities marry forms pluridimensionnelles and complex which we group under the generic naming of cybercrime. Due to its nature and its subdivisions, the cybercrime is the object of reflections, studies, searches, implementations of politics and of actions in a national and international scale to reach in his eradication. The actions are led in way coordinated between States and institutions. The fight against this interplanetary phenomenon requires the mutualization of the efforts on behalf of the actors of telecommunications, computing, all the professional layers as well as her on behalf of the consumers under reserve that they are informed well about the risks connected for the cyberspace. The study compared by the systems of repression implemented in the European and West-African spaces will allow to understand better the exercise of the penal sovereign right in front of the cybercrime and the importance of collaborations between these two community spaces.

The thesis in the main, looks at the decision-making process which underlined the Economic Community of West African States' attempt to end the Liberian crisis. It examines the establishment of ECOMOG to intervene in the Liberian civil crisis and the various pacific attempts to resolve the Liberian question. It does so through the medium of decision - making theory and some of the conceptual models that have flowed out of it. The thesis' focus on the decisional process of a regional body marks an attempt to broaden the scope of application of decision - making paradigms, which are usually employed to analyse decisions of national governments. The imperative for analysing the decisional process of ECOWAS in its quest to find solution to the Liberian problem has in part been dictated by the novelty of the ECOMOG concept. It marks the first major attempt of a sub - regional economic organization to successfully find solution to a civil conflict, as a result, there are numerous lessons to be gleaned from its failures and successes. Its relevance in the African context, with its intractable conflicts cannot be overemphasized. It has also been motivated by the fact that more works need to be produced on the decision-making processes of governments and regional bodies within the continent. The thesis argues that, both rational and "irrational" elements infused the decisional process of ECOW AS in its bid to solve the Liberian Crisis. Among other things, Policy-makers were influenced in their choice of decision by rational calculations based on national interest. It examines the clash of interests which characterized the establishment ofECOMOG as an tntervention force, the impasse this fostered and how it was eventually resolved. It postulates that exteljIlal actors influenced the decision process and that policy :Qiakers were aided to make the decisions they made by other organs in the decisional chain. The "irrational" component of the process, among other things, could be seen from the fact that the Liberian question was solved in " bits and pieces". Besides, blunders were committed through defective decision - making mechanism. The thesis concludes by offering suggestions to improve the quality of ECOW AS decision-making process with regard to conflict resolution and how to achieve regional consensus.

M.A. / The HIV and AIDS pandemic has swept through sub-Saharan Africa at an alarming pace, gaining momentum each year as millions of people are infected and affected by the virus. A range of social, political and economic consequences have already begun to emerge as a result of this disease, and a comprehensive response is essential to halt the spread of HIV and AIDS, and to manage the impact of the pandemic. This study examines the response of the two dominant regional organisations in sub- Saharan Africa, namely the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), through an analysis of their policies on HIV and AIDS. The comparison of the HIV and AIDS policies of these regional organisations is conducted by means of three sets of identified indicators, covering education and awareness campaigns, prevention strategies, and treatment and care programmes. Further, the extent to which the regional guidelines contained in the policies are incorporated into the HIV and AIDS policies of member states is discussed with reference to Nigeria and South Africa, identified as the strongest states within their respective groupings with the highest prevalence rates. Given the acknowledged impact of the disease, the regional response is not as comprehensive as would be expected. The SADC policy is generally more elaborative on the key issues than the ECOWAS policy. Vital issues such as the provision of condoms and addressing the disproportionate impact of HIV and AIDS on women are not dealt with, and the overall policies lack detail and practical guidance. In comparison, the policies of member states such as Nigeria and South Africa are far more elaborative, containing creative solutions to daunting problems, although some of the weaknesses identified in the regional HIV and AIDS policies shine through in the national policies of member states. The study concludes that while practical restrictions such as lack of infrastructure, resources, and diverse cultural and religious beliefs hamper the formulation of a single, comprehensive regional policy on HIV and AIDS, the current guidelines provided by both ECOWAS and SADC fall short of the necessary response to a crisis of the magnitude of the HIV and AIDS pandemic. / Prof. Yolanda Sadie

Chaque partie de l'espace, matérialisée par les frontières terrestres, maritimes ou aériennes est convoitée par les nations qui parviennent à en faire des chasses gardées à l’exception d’une seule composante : le cyberespace. Ce lieu d’échanges et de circulation de l’information s'est affranchi de cet accaparement. C’est ce qui le rend réel pour les utilisations qu’il permet (envois de messages, diffusion des informations en temps réel, formations…) et virtuel (dans la mesure où les réseaux numériques empruntent des voies difficilement localisables) au point de générer des difficultés quant à son encadrement par la loi. Dès lors, le cyberespace s’érige en un espace où il est aisé de cultiver des activités illégales compte tenu des facilités qu’il offre. Les activités illégales épousent des formes pluridimensionnelles et complexes qu’on regroupe sous l’appellation générique de cybercriminalité. De par sa nature et ses subdivisions, la cybercriminalité fait l’objet de réflexions, d’études, de recherches, de mises en place de politiques et d’actions à une échelle nationale et internationale en vue de parvenir à son éradication. Les actions sont menées de manière coordonnée entre les Etats et les institutions. La lutte contre ce phénomène interplanétaire exige la mutualisation des efforts de la part des acteurs des télécommunications, de l’informatique, de toutes les couches professionnelles ainsi que de la part des consommateurs sous réserve qu’ils soient bien informés des risques liés à l’usage du cyberespace. L’étude comparée des systèmes de répression mis en oeuvre dans les espaces européen et ouest-africain permettra de mieux comprendre l’exercice du droit souverain pénal face à la cybercriminalité et l’importance des collaborations entre ces deux espaces communautaires. / Each party of the space, realized by the ground, maritime or air borders is desired by the nations which succeed in making it private grounds with the exception of a single component: the cyberspace. This place of exchanges and circulation of information freed itself from this cornering. It is what makes it real for the uses which it allows (sendings of messages, broadcasting) of real-time information, trainings and virtual (as far as the digital networks follow with difficulty localizable paths) in the point to generate difficulties as for its frame by the law. From then on, the cyberspace sets up itself as a space where it is easy to cultivate illegal activities considering the opportunities which it offers. The illegal activities marry forms pluridimensionnelles and complex which we group under the generic naming of cybercrime. Due to its nature and its subdivisions, the cybercrime is the object of reflections, studies, searches, implementations of politics and of actions in a national and international scale to reach in his eradication. The actions are led in way coordinated between States and institutions. The fight against this interplanetary phenomenon requires the mutualization of the efforts on behalf of the actors of telecommunications, computing, all the professional layers as well as her on behalf of the consumers under reserve that they are informed well about the risks connected for the cyberspace. The study compared by the systems of repression implemented in the European and West-African spaces will allow to understand better the exercise of the penal sovereign right in front of the cybercrime and the importance of collaborations between these two community spaces.

The Economic Community of West African StatQs (ECOWAS) was established by treaty in 1975 to promote the economic and political well-being of its 16 regional members. As a coordinated effort of geographically associated states ECOWAS joins an expanding group of regional integration schemes created by developing countries. As an international organization with some claim to supranational authority the success of the ECOWAS scheme is of practical and theoretical importance. Success in this sense implies an increasing level of interaction among the ECOWAS members and the development of a regional economic and political position toward non-member states. This coordination of member states' national policy within a regionally constituted political body offers an interesting laboratory for the examination of regional integration efforts. This paper seeks to establish the degree of integration achieved by the ECOWAS members to date and to chart the progress of that integration over time.

No description available.

This thesis examines the determinants of institutional quality and the process of convergence in the ECOWAS in order to inform policy about the region’s deep integration scheme. The first part of the thesis examines the historical changes that took place in the development of common institutions in West Africa in the pre-independence era. The findings demonstrated that the region exhibited some common institutions, including common currencies, standardised trade rules and protection of trade routes which facilitated regional and international trade. A single administration system helped in the effective implementation of the common institutions. Therefore, historical changes after independence led to the loss of some facets of these common institutions in West Africa. The second part examined determinants of institutional quality and the process of convergence using econometric analysis. The findings demonstrated that the process of convergence could be accelerated if WAMZ and WAEMU work together as one monetary zone under ECOWAS. Moreover, the findings also demonstrated that the level of development, state capacity, FDI, regional trade, history and regional trade partners institutional quality contain useful information in explaining the quality of institutions today. Therefore, ECOWAS’s deep integration goal would require improving some of these factors in order to facilitate the process of developing common institutions and improve their quality. In the long term, a single administration system akin to the colonial era and the Empires of Western Sudan would be desirable. This will require political commitment to do so. ECOWAS members should have the confidence that deep integration is feasible given that it existed in the region in the past.

Student Number: 0108593A - MA research report - School of Social and Sciences - Faculty of Humanities / South Africa’s diplomatic involvement in the continent and particularly in Cote d’Ivoire is the main focus of this paper. Therefore, the rationale of this dissertation is to investigate the reasons of the African Union (AU) to choose South Africa as a peace broker rather than the Cote d’Ivoire crisis as such. South Africa’s diplomatic engagement in Cote d’Ivoire in 2004 was as a result of numerous attempts by AU, Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and France to find a peaceful solution to what was once the most economic and political stable country in West Africa. The crust of this paper is to ascertain reasons why the AU designated South Africa the responsibility to mediate a peace process in Cote d’Ivoire. Furthermore, What difference can South Africa really make in Cote d’Ivoire search for peace, given the failure of other third parties as well as South Africa’s ability to export its model of power-sharing in the continent. Against this backdrop, it is also vital to examine reasons why South Africa accepted to broker a peace deal in Cote d’Ivoire in November 2004 rather that two years ago when the conflict was on its early stages. In fact, this is not the first time South Africa was requested to help solve conflicts in West Africa. Interestingly, at first, South Africa refused to offer mediation in West Africa in 2003 citing reasons that it was overburdened in other peacekeeping missions in Africa. Thus, this paper will attempt to find reasons why this time around South Africa accepted the job to mediate a peace process in Cote d’Ivoire in the backyard of Nigeria.

No description available.