This thesis investigates the politics of representation of Indigenous peoples in Canadian media. Using a case study of the 2011 housing crisis at Attawapiskat First Nation, I argue that emergency on reserve is constructed as Indigenous failure in mainstream print media and that these discourses work to construct a racialized national imaginary. Canadians are produced as benevolent through learning about Indigenous failure, and through their own capacity to assist and care for them. I have argued that this is a nation building practice of settler colonialism; it is inextricably linked to reclaiming ownership of land, and manufacturing legitimacy for the Canadian nation. This thesis traces these constructions through both mainstream, and alternative and independent media, and follows how these discourses invite white Settlers into a position of racial superiority. Examining ideas of goodness and innocence that condition Canadian identity, I offer strategies and limitations for anti-colonial engagement with Indigenous emergency.

This thesis investigates the politics of representation of Indigenous peoples in Canadian media. Using a case study of the 2011 housing crisis at Attawapiskat First Nation, I argue that emergency on reserve is constructed as Indigenous failure in mainstream print media and that these discourses work to construct a racialized national imaginary. Canadians are produced as benevolent through learning about Indigenous failure, and through their own capacity to assist and care for them. I have argued that this is a nation building practice of settler colonialism; it is inextricably linked to reclaiming ownership of land, and manufacturing legitimacy for the Canadian nation. This thesis traces these constructions through both mainstream, and alternative and independent media, and follows how these discourses invite white Settlers into a position of racial superiority. Examining ideas of goodness and innocence that condition Canadian identity, I offer strategies and limitations for anti-colonial engagement with Indigenous emergency.

Notre projet de recherche décrit les enjeux et les tensions qui sous-tendent la posture universaliste contestataire de Nina Bouraoui. L’analyse de la trajectoire littéraire de l’auteure montre qu’elle a réussi à déjouer les pièges institutionnels qu’elle a rencontrés à ses débuts littéraires, notamment la position stéréotypée d’écrivain-sociologue du Maghreb. Elle s’est engagée dès lors dans la récusation des assignations à des particularismes qu’ils soient « ethniques » ou genrés. Les discours métalittéraires (médiatiques et parfois universitaires) tendent souvent à l’altériser en classant sa production littéraire dans le pôle « francophone » minoré. Il ne s’agit pas d’un ostracisme univoque (tourné vers la seule Nina Bouraoui), mais d’une position socialement construite pour défendre un groupe supposé homogène par essence (la « blanchité »), se percevant comme le dépositaire exclusif de l’universalisme. Malgré des négociations internes (texte) et externes (hors-texte) de sa posture, la réception de Bouraoui comme écrivaine française/universelle est sans cesse ajournée. Le sens donné à la reconnaissance de son œuvre et à sa consécration subséquente par l’attribution de prix littéraires importants dans le champ littéraire français n’ont pas réduit des ambiguïtés et des équivocités qui continuent à suggérer des significations multiples et parfois contradictoires sur sa position (francophone ou française ?). Ce qui est certain, en revanche, c’est la volonté de l’auteure, par-delà la réception, de bousculer les codes et de perturber un jeu littéraire qu’elle estime obsolète. Subversive et parfois opportuniste, joueuse elle-même et iconoclaste, sa littérature reste un témoin des hésitations de notre temps et de justes proclamations (universalistes) qui restent à satisfaire. / Our research project describes the underlying challenges and tensions of Nina Bouraoui's anti-authority universalist posture. Analysing the author’s literary trajectory we note that she has successfully avoided common pitfalls encountered early on her career in particular the stereotypical Maghreb writer-sociologist. She has challenged and reassigned « ethnic » and gender identities. Meta-literary critics (media and sometimes university) often have a habit to emphasise her « otherness » by classifying her work in the underestimated « francophone » genre. It is not an unequivocal exception directed just towards Nina Bouraoui but a social position built to defend a supposed group essentially homogenous (the "whiteness" ), perceived as the exclusive custodians of universalism. Despite internal (text) and external negotiations (out of the text) of her posture, Bouraoui has not been accepted as a french/universal writer. The literary acclaim for her work and many consecration by important literary prizes in the French literary field has not reduced certain ambiguities which continue to suggest contradictory ideas on her position (francophone or french ?). What is certain, on the other hand, is the will of the author, beyond the reception, to push boundaries and to shake up the literary game which she considers obsolete. Subversive and sometimes opportunist player herself and maverick, her literature remains a witness of the hesitations of our time and of the right proclamations (universalists) remain unsatisfied.

Title: What is a refugee, crisis & disaster? A comparative discourse analyses of SVT:s and Avpixlats reporting about refugees. The war in Syria, refugees and ISIS have been on the news agenda for a while. The perspective have been shifting throw different happenings about refugees, crisis, disaster and terrorism on one side. On the other side is what kind of newsagent that is reporting and there standing in society. Public service like SVT have there place on how to inform the public about different events around the world and then you have smaller news-agents thats growing in readers like Avpixlat who call themselves alternative journalism. They have less rules and regulations to follow in there news reporting and can therefor frame and angle information in a more free way. The purpose in this study is to compare how the image of refugees are created by reports from SVT and Avpixlat and how it relates to xenophobia of different kinds. The method that is used is discourse analysis and more precise Chantal Laclau och Ernesto Mouffes discourse theory. The specifik theories for the framework are ”orientalism", ”whiteness”, ”islamofobia”, ”myths”, earlier studies whit the theory of ”communitarian figures” and statistik misrepresentation of muslims as terrorists in news channels. Two different discourses where found in the material, ”refugee-crises” and refugee-crieses whiteout situation marks. The first one origins från Avpixlat and build on that there are no crises alongside the war in Syria, ISIS and refugees that flee from these factors. Refugees are fake, they are immigrants that come whit economic and potential terrorist purpose to other parts around the globe, with Europe in mind and especially Sweden. Refugees where seen as ”the other” in negativ terms, high rates if islamofobia were found, Sweden represent ”the good moral” and Syria represent the ”worst moral” in terms on symbolic witness. Europe and mostly Sweden portrays as the victim rather than refugees, SVT portrays the other way around and a drowned boy symbols refugee disasters around Mediterranean.

(in English): Aristocrats and war. Topic of this dissertation is the relation of nobility to the phenomenon of the war represented in this case by Czech nobility Chotek's family in the period Prussian- Austrian war in the year 1866 in our state territory. The basis for seeking of the answer were family correspondence and journals, which were created or have relation to the Prussian occupation in June and July of that particular year. According to the chosen standards documents, which are basis of adaptation of the edition, were selected. Two letters and two journals of members of the Chotek's family (Karel, Rudolf Karel and Arnošt) enriched with two public sources (Národní listy and Memorial Book of village Nové Dvory) provided ability of chronological comparison of the content of recorded events of these documents. The result of document analyses and comparison is, that counts Chotek's behavior and actions in this period showed no loyalty neither to the monarch nor patriotism but presented them as the large landowner, primarily interested in protection of their own property.