In 1241/4 the theology masters at the university at Paris, their chancellor, Odo of Châteauroux, and bishop, William of Auvergne, condemned ten propositions against theological truth. Unlike other such condemnations, particularly at Paris in 1277, modern scholars have largely ignored it. This study attempts to remedy this neglect. It aims to view the condemnation in its contemporary context, concentrating on contemporary texts or those available in the period. The study's main focus is not the condemnation itself. Instead it seeks to set it against the background of wider doctrinal, intellectual, institutional and historical developments within the emerging 'university'. The study's conclusions are three-fold. First, the period 1200-1240 combined a developing focus of Paris theologians on using their learning for preaching (fostered by their faculty's inclusion of the mendicant orders) with a rapid and sometimes divergent development of doctrine. This latter was based on long-term biblical enigmas and patristic discussions, now sharpened by external 'threats', including from newly-translated Aristotelian texts and the views of groups deemed heretical. There were also increasing concerns over Greek theology and the Jews. Second, while no single influence appears dominant in the choice of articles, they follow closely the major statement of catholic principles in the first canon of Lateran IV in 1215. The content and order of the propositions is too close to be coincidental. Read in this light, the condemnation served to cement Lateran IV within the theology faculty. Third, however, this was not just for internal self-discipline. 1241/4 was the point when the faculty itself 'came of age' - it aspired to leadership in catholic doctrine according to Lateran IV's principles, seeing its role as external as much as internal. For this, it needed 'to cast the beam from its own eye before seeing clearly to remove the mote from its brother's'.

This dissertation examines the demonology of William of Auvergne, to determine why and how he constructed his theories out of contemporary lore about demons and other spirits. William was master of theology in the University of Paris and bishop of Paris from 1228 until his death in 1249, in which position he served as a major advisor to the young Louis IX. In addition to being one of the most politically influential people in the French kingdom, William was one of the greatest thinkers of his generation, producing numerous works of theology, philosophy and science. William's efforts combine an adoption of an Aristotelian "physics" for spiritual entities with an uncompromising reaffirmation of the view that demons are evil, fallen angels. He believed that a demonic conspiracy existed to deceive humans into false worship, and his concerns led him to precisely define the capabilities of demons according to the latest scientific views of spirits, to characterize opinions with which he disagreed as demonic lies and to label their holders as demonic dupes. William's demonology represented a choice between several alternative varied and contradictory conceptions of spirits that circulated among the western European populace. With his demonology, he hoped to help impose an order he considered doctrinally and politically-acceptable onto the turbulence of early thirteenth century France.

L'acédie alliée à la mélancolie nous permet de rendre compte de la totalité de la nature humaine, en tant qu'elle est composée d'une âme, d'un esprit et d'un corps. Ces deux pathologies distinctes autant par leur inscription dans un temps et un espace particuliers et déterminés, ainsi que par les dimensions de l'être humain auxquelles elles s'attaqueront se verront ici rapprochées de sorte à faire émerger un paradigme qui fera de la folie pathologique un moyen d'accès au divin. La mélancolie, de par son bagage grec antique qui faisait d'elle l'apanage des hommes de génie, contaminera au XIIIe siècle l'acédie au point que celle-ci ne sera plus envisagée sous la perspective d'une passion, d'un vice - le plus redoutable de tous – mais une grâce, cherchée et convoitée par les saints hommes de cette époque, selon Guillaume d’Auvergne. Pour ce faire, l'acédie se révélera être une pathologie de la volonté en tant que celle-ci se voit éteinte, asphyxiée devant un idéal inaccessible qui épuiserait en elle tout dynamisme, idéal de l'impassibilité que l'on retrouve sous les traits de l'ange chez les Pères du désert et celui de la performance que l'on retrouve sous les traits du surhomme à notre époque, deux modèles qui se voient être pervertis dès leur conception et dévoilés comme tel par l'acédie. D'une maladie mortelle, celle qui vient autant emporter le corps de l'ascète que la vie de son âme, se révèle protéger l'individu d'un mal encore plus redoutable, celui de l'orgueil, en venant par la même occasion préserver la puissance de la volonté de l'individu en celle de Dieu par le truchement d'une grâce divine. Eau de mort pour le commun des mortels, elle devient eau de vie, porteuse d'une grâce efficace, pour les fous de Dieu dont la folie n'a d'égale que leur amour ; l'acédie devenant par là-même la maladie de l'amour fou de Dieu. / Acedia combined with melancholy allows us to account for the totality of human nature, insasmuch as it is composed of a soul, a spirit and a body. These two distinct pathologies, as much by their inscription in a particular and determined time and space, as by the dimensions of the human being that they will attack, will be brought together here in such a way as to bring forth a paradigm that will make pathological madness a means of accessing to the divine. Melancholy, by its ancient Greek heritage, which made it the prerogative of men of genius, will contaminate acedia in the thirteenth century to the point that it will no longer be considered from the perspective of a passion, a vice – the most awe-inspiring of all – but a grace, sought for and coveted by the holy men of that time, according to William of Auvergne. For this to happen, acedia will prove to be a pathology of the will inasmuch as it is extinct, asphyxiated in the face of an inaccessible ideal that would exhaust all dynamism, ideal of the impassibility that we find under the features of the angel of the Desert Fathers and that of the performance that we find under the features of the übermensch in our time, two models that become perverted from the time they were conceived and unveiled as such by the acedia. From a mortal disease, the one that takes away both the body of the ascetic and the life of his soul, is revealed to protect the individual from an even more dangerous evil, that of pride, by coming at the same time to preserve the power of the individual's will in that of God through the means of divine grace. Water of death for the common man, it becomes water of life, bearer of an efficacious grace for the fools of God, whose madness is matched only by their love ; acedia thereby becoming the disease of God's love.