Masteropgave. / Format: PDF. Bibl.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Carleton Universit, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 108-116). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

This thesis deals with the African women standing in their societies and attemps to find out what are their possibilities, within this standing, to participate in the current processes of democratization. It tries to identify important facts - by mapping their role in the traditional society and describing its changes during the French colonialism and after the decolonization - that determine women's current status. This serves as a basis for the research of ways in which women participate in the democratization processes that are currently under way in francophone Africa. The thesis focuses not only on their possibilities to take part in the decision-making within the elected bodies, but is also concerned with their chances to influence the politics in a less formal way. The emphasis is on the activities of women's organizations that seem to be an appropriate tool of democratization of the African society.

<p>This dissertation explores how the authoritarian regime of Park Chung-Hee (1963-1979) mobilized women as individuals and groups in transforming the agricultural state to an industrialized and modernized one. Although much has been written about the significance of Korean male elites in economic and democratic achievements, we can only find limited scholarship on women’s mobilization by the state as well as the roles of ordinary women and female elites in the national development process. My work is different in that I highlight the Park Chung-Hee regime’s colonial legacy and its broader application to women’s social and public mobilization for the national economic growth. I argue that Korean women were mobilized by the Park Chung-Hee regime as individuals and groups considered a great source to consolidate diplomatic relations with allies as well as “voluntary” social workers and as cheaper laborers.</p>

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I oktober år 2000 antog FNs säkerhetsråd den första resolutionen där kvinnor ses som aktörer för fred och inte bara som offer för konflikt. Eftersom 1325 är en resolution antagen i säkerhetsrådet, är den juridiskt bindande för alla FNs medlemsstater.Mitt övergripande syfte med denna uppsats är att belysa vikten av att samhällets olika nivåer, från absoluta toppnivå till gräsrotsnivå, samarbetar för att resolutioner från FNs säkerhetsråd, framförallt när det gäller så kallade mjuka frågor, skall uppmärksammas och bli framgångsrika.Mer specifikt är mitt syfte att studera effekterna av resolution 1325. För att göra detta har jag intervjuat åtta representanter för olika kvinnoorganisationer, som representerar gräsrotsnivån, sex i Stockholm och två i New York. Dessutom har jag hämtat information från dokument från FNs generalsekreterare, säkerhetsrådet och Sveriges regering, som representerar toppnivåer i samhället. För att belysa att avsaknaden av en ny resolution om kvinnor, fred och säkerhet beror på säkerhetsrådets genusblindhet, använder jag mig av ett feministiskt teoretiskt perspektiv. Dessutom relaterar jag avsaknaden av en ny resolution till begreppet legalstrategi. Resultatet av denna uppsats är, för det första, att man bara delvis kan skylla avsaknaden av en ny resolution på säkerhetsrådet. Det är också resultatet av en vald strategi från kvinnoorganisationernas sida. För det andra, är resultatet av min uppsats att de effekter man nu ser i samhället av resolution 1325 har uppnåtts tack vare det arbete som kvinnorganisationer har utfört sedan år 2000. Kvinnoorganisationerna har tagit resolution 1325, från toppnivåerna ner till gräsrotsnivåerna och spridit information och kunskap om den. Sedan har man tagit upp resolution 1325 till toppnivå igen genom att ställa krav om förändring hos de nationella makthavarna. / In October 2000, UN Security Council adopted a resolution on women, peace and security, in which women for the first time were seen as actors for peace and not just victims of war.Since it is a resolution of the Security Council, it is legally binding upon all UN Member States. My overall aim with this thesis is to illuminate the importance of close cooperation between macro and micro levels of society, in order to make UN Security Council resolutions, especially resolutions on “soft issues”, successful. Furthermore, the main purpose of this thesis is to study the effects of Security Council resolution 1325. In order to do this, I have interviewed representatives of eight women’s organizations, representing the micro level, on their opinion regarding 1325. In addition, I have concluded information from the UN Secretary-General, UN Security Council and the Swedish government, representing the macro levels of society. I am using a feminist theoretical perspective in order to illustrate that the lack of another resolution on women, peace and security is caused by gender blindness of the Security Council. Moreover, I am relating the lack of another resolution to the issue of legal strategy by women’s organizations. Thus, the results of this thesis are, firstly, that the Security Council only partly is to blame; it is also an outcome of strategy by women’s organizations. Secondly, the result is that the effects of 1325 now seen are achieved because of the work of women’s organizations; taking the resolution from the macro level down to the micro level of society, and then finally, up to the macro level again, demanding change from their national governments.

Women's empowerment is an important aim of the development activities of Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) in Bangladesh. In a patriarchal society, women experience discrimination and their participation in decision making processes often is not allowed in domestic, political and economic affairs. Most women's organizations mainly work to create a better, non-discriminatory, and equal society for women. To focus on this goal, these organizations often are not conscious of democracy at their own workplaces and equal participation of their members and employees in decision making. In addition, only a small amount of scholarship has been concerned with the structures and governance, organizational democracy, and women's participatory roles in organizational decision making. By using a multiple case study design, this research explores the ways four advocacy women's NGOs in Bangladesh promote women's empowerment and equality at the organizational level and how organizational structures and internal decision making processes help NGOs to achieve these goals. None of the organizations has pure democratic or bureaucratic structure and participatory decision making process. More democratic organizational structures or participatory decision making processes are more effective in promoting more cognitive and psychological empowerment of its members and employees. / Ph. D.