Financial dependency and a trend in donor-driven gender equality and women’s empowerment projects in the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) have undoubtedly had an effect on the way in which NGOs are working and evolving: often projects are designed to fulfill donor requirements – and thereby policies - instead of creating an agenda which is politically and socially “home grown”. This paper analyses the USAID gender policy paper (as an example of foreign donor policy) and interviews conducted with legal, programme and gender experts in the oPt, exploring the challenges and gaps between policy and practice. The research uses qualitative research methods to analyze USAID discourse - exploring concepts such as representation, ideology and power - and general assumptions and perspectives towards women’s equality and empowerment in the Opt versus how this translates into practice.

Syftet med kandidatuppsatsen är att förstå och analysera ledamöternas syn på kvinnor i politiken i Mauritius. Denna avhandling fokuserar på politikernas erfarenheter efter implementering av könskvotering i den lokala politiken som resulterade i en ökad kvinnorepresentation och dess konsekvenser. Det empiriska materialet för avhandlingen har samlats in genom kvalitativa intervjuer med manliga och kvinnliga ledamöter från tre kommuner i Mauritius. Det teoretiska ramverket är uppdelad i tre delar som används för att analysera olika punkter från det empiriska materialet. I det teoretiska ramverket har vi inkluderat teorier om de tillvägagångssätt att öka kvinnors representation, varför kvinnor bör vara aktiva i politiken, och om könskvotering. För att analysera empirin från en teoretisk synvinkel har resultaten delats upp i tre underkategorier vilket är respondenternas inställning till könskvotering och kvinnors representation i politiken, teorin om kritisk massa och förändringar i den politiska agenda, samt kommunpolitikernas attityder gentemot kvinnliga politiker. Resultaten från vår avhandling visar att föreställningen att politiken enbart är en mans domän har börjat förändras. Den ökade kvinnorepresentationen har visat att kvinnor är lika kompetenta som män att verka i den politiska världen. Dock visar inte resultaten någon märkbar förändring i den politiska agendan. Kvinnor i Mauritius är numera accepterade att delta i politiken, men det är fortfarande en lång väg att gå för dem att betraktas som likvärdiga medlemmar som män i den politiska världen. / The purpose of the thesis is to understand and analyse councillors’ view on women in Mauritian politics. This thesis focuses on their experiences after the implementation of gender quota in local government which led to an increased women’s representation in local politics as well as the consequences derived from it. The empirical material for this thesis has been gathered through qualitative interviews with male and female councillors from three municipalities in Mauritius. The theoretical framework is divided into three parts which are used to analyse different points from the empirical material. In the theoretical framework we have included theories about the ways to increase women’s representation, why women should be active in politics, and about gender quota. To analyse the empirics from a theoretical point of view, we have divided the results into three sub-categories which are the respondents’ stance to gender quota and women’s representation in politics, the theory of critical mass and the change in political agenda, as well as the councillors’ attitudes towards female politicians. The results from this thesis show that the notion that politics is solely a male domain has begun to change. The increased women’s representation has shown that women are as competent as men in the political field. However, the results do not show a notable change in the political agenda, because not enough time has passed to see any differences. Women in Mauritius are today more accepted to partake in politics but there is still a long way to go for them to be considered equal members as men in the political world.

This thesis examined the conditions under which taharrush (sexual harassment) has become normalized in Cairo, allowing acts once deemed unethical by Egyptians to become a daily experience. Experiences of taharrush were explored through an ethnographic study of three neighborhoods in Cairo and 20 semi-structured interviews with women from diverse backgrounds and age groups. Through the literature review of key themes and a historical analysis of the Egyptian context, this research explored the rise in sexual harassment over time and under different presidential regimes. The cross-generational aspect of this research highlighted the prevalence of sexual harassment in the past three decades. Furthermore, through the participants’ voices, numerous themes emerged explaining the increase of taharrush, such as: economic difficulties, decline in akhle (sense of community), and violence against women perpetrated by security officials. The interviews showed women’s experiences of sexual harassment, the perceived causes behind the issue of harassment being trivialized and normalized, and ways in which women combat harassment and security issues within Cairo. / February 2016

Diese Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Frage, ob und inwiefern Mikrokreditprogramme zum Frauenempowerment beitragen. Diese Frage wird anhand des Fallbeispiels des türkischen Grameen Programms im westanatolischen Eskişehir mit qualitativen Methoden empirisch untersucht. Die theoretischen und methodischen Annäherungen an das Konzept des Empowerment bedienen sich dabei des Capability Ansatzes, des soziologischen Konzepts der alltäglichen Lebensführung sowie der Literatur zu Gender und Entwicklung und zum Patriarchat in der Türkei. Im empirischen Feld identifiziert die Arbeit drei unterschiedliche Zugänge zum Frauenempowerment durch Mikrokredite, die miteinander verglichen und diskutiert werden: Neben den Perspektiven der Kreditnehmerinnen selbst, deren Empowermenterfahrung als verbesserte Lebensführung definiert wird, steht zum einen das Empowermentverständnis der Autorin, das auf einer feministisch-liberalen und gleichzeitig globalisierungskritischen Perspektive fußt, und das Empowermentverständnis der Mitarbeiter des Mikrokreditinstituts, die dieses Verständnis an die Kreditnehmerinnen weiterleiten. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Kreditnehmerinnen die Mikrokredite trotz für sie problematischer Aspekte eher mit positiven Erfahrungen in Zusammenhang bringen. Des Weiteren betrachten die Mitarbeiter das Programm unkritisch, nach ihrer Ansicht bedeutet Frauenempowerment die Stärkung der Frauen, damit diese die Bedürfnisse ihrer Familien besser erfüllen können. Aus der Perspektive der Autorin bedeuten die Ergebnisse hingegen eine überwiegend unveränderte Fortdauer der Geschlechterungleichheit, die durch die Marginalisierung der Frauen auf dem Arbeitsmarkt und in der Gesellschaft gekennzeichnet ist. / This thesis deals with the question whether or not and to what extent microcredit programmes contribute to women’s empowerment. A qualitative analysis of the Turkish Grameen programme in Eskişehir, Western Anatolia, provides the empirical case study to address the question. The theoretical and methodological approaches to the concept of empowerment adapt and build on the capability approach, the sociological concept of ‘conduct of daily life’ and on the literature on gender and development and patriarchy in Turkey. In the empirical analysis, the study identifies three different approaches to women’s empowerment through microcredits that are compared, contrasted and discussed. In addition to the perspective of the participants themselves for whom empowerment is defined as an improved conduct of everday life, there is the author’s understanding of empowerment which is rooted in a perspective that is liberal-feminist yet critical of globalization. The third perspective is that of employees working for the microcredit institution who transmit their understanding of empowerment to the participating women. The results show that participants overall connect microcredits with positive experiences in spite of a number of problems that arise in the course of the programme. Moreover, employees see the programme very uncritically as women’s empowerment from their point of view consists primarily in enabling women to better provide for their families’ needs. From the author’s perspective, however, the results indicate a largely unchanged persistence of gender inequality marked by women’s marginalization on the labour market and in society as a whole.

The Westsaharian women are a civic group that during their soon to be thirty years as refugees in the Westsaharian camps in south western Algeria have become empowered as citizens and advanced strongly in political representation. In theory, empowerment of women’s democratic citizenship has been described as a complex phenomenon. To gain an understanding about this in this study, I have described the women’s perceived access to resources and attitudes, and in what way these factors play a role for their active citizenship. This has been done by the use of Axel Hadenius’ theory about the democratic citizenship and Jo Rowlands’ theory about which resources that are to be considered as essential for women’s empowerment. To be able to perform the study, a case study was performed in the Westsaharian refugee camps during April-May 2004, followed up by a second during October-November 2004. The study shows that there are resources and attitudes within both human and social capital that the women perceive to play a significant role for their active citizenship. These factors make the women take part in societal activities, strive to reach higher political positions, and work for a common civic development as women and as Westsaharian citizens. The result of the study further shows that there are contextual inhibiting and encouraging factors that the women perceive to affect their resources and attitudes that play a significant role for their active citizenship.

This study aims to define men’s perspective on women’s agency and entrepreneurship, and the gender changing roles within the household in Babati district, Tanzania. Women’s empowerment is a notion recently put into practice in several African states today. The notion has transpired from women’s collective ability to organize, act and demand in patriarchal societies in recent decades, resulting in their increased influential and politicized roles. This has further led to constitutional law amendments in Tanzania as well as the establishment of local microfinance institutions, promoting women’s social mobilization. The study is based on semi-structured interviews and secondary sources. The interviews include local men from Babati district, whose wives are active in organizations and/or own a business, as well as a Social Welfare Officer from Babati Development Town Council. The theoretical framework is mainly composed of literature focusing on African pre-colonial gender roles and stereotypical ideas of gender that have affected how gender roles are perceived today. The results emerged as generally positive attitudes towards women’s empowerment. Most men stated that women have ascertained a position of increased influence both within and outside the household in the past decade. However, the positive results have been interpreted through different aspects. Unemployment is discussed as a large societal issue in Babati district, and most men interviewed were unemployed, which could have affected the results and perceptions of women’s social roles. Additionally, this disempowers the traditional role of men as head of the household, also interpreted as a consequence due to women’s empowerment.

This Minor Field Study examines whether or not Batswana female master students at the University of Botswana, due to their university education, have become more politically aware and critical towards their national political system. Botswana has been chosen as a critical case on the basis of the country’s long lasting democracy and the Botswana’s positive attitude towards their government. The research takes off in theories such as democratic and critical citizen’s theory and feminism. Based on these theories, an analytical framework with the core assumption that female university education creates politically critical women, has been developed. The study is based on ten qualitative interviews with female master students. The interview questions concern the respondent’s political awareness, participation and their perceptions of political institutions, regime principles and governmental performance. The findings of the study are that university education makes women more politically aware, empowered and active, although we have found no significant correlation between university education and a rise in criticism among the interviewed women. However a majority of the respondents that actually have been affected by their education declare that they have become more politically critical.

Gender-Based Violence (GBS) is one of the most important obstacles in theway to development. The model of communication for social change (C4SC),under an approach of civil rights, presents an unavoidable opportunity for communicators to take over the urgent ethical demand of placing their work atthe service of public politics in order to fulfill this goal; but mainly in order tostrengthen the women agency in order to promote their empowerment. Herethe model of C4SC is overlaid on the case of sexual harassment on the streets,in order to identify the strategic lines that can be used for addressing other casesof gender-based violence. / La violencia basada en género (VBG) es uno de los principales obstáculos aldesarrollo. El modelo de comunicación para el cambio social (C4SC) bajo unenfoque de derechos presenta una oportunidad insoslayable para que los comunicadores asumamos la urgencia ética de poner a la comunicación al serviciode políticas públicas que aborden este reto, pero sobre todo, para fortalecer lacapacidad de agencia de las mujeres con miras a su empoderamiento. Aquí sesuperpone el modelo de C4CS al caso del acoso sexual callejero a fin de identificarlíneas estratégicas que sirvan para el abordaje de otros casos de VBG desdela comunicación.

The objective of this study was to examine the association between risky sexual behavior and contextual factors related to economic resources, woman’s empowerment, and health facility characteristics among young women in Zomba district, Malawi. Secondary analyses of the Schooling, Income, and Health Risk (SIHR) study were undertaken. Four outcomes related to risky sexual behavior were examined: if participants had ever had sex, consistent condom use, and two scores measuring risk related to partner history and age during sexual activity. Regression models with cluster-robust standard errors and multilevel regression models were used to estimate associations; analyses were stratified by school enrolment status at baseline of the SIHR study and utilized weights to account for SIHR sampling design. For participants in school at baseline, the percent of girls enrolled in school at the community level was associated with ever having sex and consistent condom use. Belief in the right to refuse sex was protective against ever having sex, lower household education was associated with higher odds of ever having sex, and near rural and far rural residence was associated with decreased odds of condom. For participants not in school at baseline, lower individual education was associated with riskier scores related to age and partner history and lower household education was associated with lower age during sexual activity. Private or non-governmental health facilities were associated with decreased odds of condom use and higher age during sexual activity. In both strata, increasing age and near rural residence (within 16 kilometers of urban center) increased odds of ever having sex; lower educational achievement was associated with lower age during sexual activity. A history of pregnancy was associated with lower odds of condom use and riskier partner history. Risky sexual behavior is multifaceted and complex. While various factors related to women’s empowerment played a role, the most consistent variables associated with risky sexual behavior were those related to education. Interventions and programs seeking to reduce risky sexual behavior among young women, thereby reducing their risk of HIV infection, should continue to focus on improving access to education at multiple levels.

Despite a steady economic and social development in Bangladesh, women are in an underprivileged situation in many ways. In this context, this thesis aims to explore the impact of mobile phone use on women’s empowerment in Bangladesh. The thesis employs ordered logit model and multinomial logit model using Financial Inclusion Insights (2017) survey data to investigate the relationship between mobile phone use and women’s empowerment. The main result of the thesis indicates that mobile phone use facilitates women’s empowerment in general, but mobile phone use does not give additional support for women’s empowerment in a male headed household. Moreover, social media use by one’s own mobile phone does not help women’s empowerment. The result of this thesis implies that mobile phone conversation does not make any difference in women’s performance to comply with gender norms. Another implication of the result is that mobile phone use itself does not ensure women’s increasing awareness about their rights and does not in all instances help defeat patriarchy. In addition, social media use may expand social networks, but using social media itself does not confirm that it helps women’s empowerment.