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Global taxes and a more equitable global political economy : a feminist analysisEllis, Emily Melissa 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Feminist international relations theories stress that global solutions to environmental, social and
economic dilemmas will not be accurately diagnosed nor corrected until hierarchal social
relations, including gender relations, intrinsic to the global economic and political framework are
recognized and altered. How does a feminist interpretation of international relations aid in the
adoption of global taxes to benefit women? This study explores the ways a mechanism such as
global taxation could be utilized to create a more equitable global political economy. The study is
exploratory making use of a qualitative methodology employing secondary data from industries
such as tourism, toy production, and textiles.
Feminist perspectives on environmental, social, and economic security, rational actor behavior
and collectivism facilitate the dialogue which is essential for global tax implementation. The
adoption of global taxes has the capability to better the lived experiences of women globally by
minimizing poverty and strengthening the working conditions of women worldwide. Proposed
carbon taxes and global commons taxes work to redefine environmental security by placing
appropriate price indicators on the use of globally used resources. Proposed email taxes, world
trade taxes, and currency exchange fee taxes grant the fiscal resources necessary to create greater
economic and social security.
Chapter One is an analysis of the global political economy. Chapter Two explains the
controversial and progressive idea of a global tax administered by the United Nations to deal with
the inequity of globalization. Chapter Three focuses on the linkages between the introduction of a
global tax and the feminist perspective on the global political economy. Chapter Four summarizes
the structural inadequacies of the current economic framework to address the economic and social
grievances that global taxes combat. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Feministiese teorieë oor internasionale verhoudinge benadruk die feit dat wêreldwye oplossings
vir omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese probleme nóg akkuraat gediagnoseer nóg reggestel
kan word tensy hiërargiese sosiale verhoudinge (waaronder genderverhoudinge), wat
onlosmaaklik deel van die wêreldwye ekonomiese en politieke raamwerk is, as sulks erken en
verander word. Hoe dra die feministiese interpretasie van internasionale verhoudinge by tot die
instelling van wêreldwye belasting wat vroue tot voordeel strek? Hierdie studie ondersoek
maniere waarop 'n meganisme soos wêreldwye belasting benut kan word om 'n billiker
wêreldwye politieke ekonomie daar te stel. Die studie is ondersoekend van aard en maak gebruik
van kwalitatiewe metodes wat sekondêre data uit bedrywe soos toerisme, speelgoedproduksie en
die tekstielbedryf gebruik.
Feministiese standpunte oor omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese sekuriteit, rasionele
optrede en kollektivisme dra by tot dialoog wat noodsaaklik is vir die instelling van wêreldwye
belasting. Danksy die instelling van wêreldwye belasting kan die lewenservaring van vroue
wêreldwyd verbeter word deur armoede te beperk en werkstoestande van vroue wêreldwyd te
verbeter. Die voorgestelde koolstofbelasting en wêreldmeent-belasting sal bydra tot 'n nuwe
benadering in omgewingsbeveiliging deurdat toepaslike prysaanwysers aan die gebruik van
wêreldwyd benutte hulpbronne gekoppel word. Die voorgestelde e-posbelasting, wêreldhandelbelasting
en belasting op valutagelde sal nodige fiskale middele bied vir die daarstelling van beter
ekonomiese en maatskaplike sekuriteit.
Hoofstuk 1 is 'n analise van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 2 is 'n uiteensetting
wêreldwye belasting as kontroversiële en progressiewe konsep, wat deur die Verenigde Nasies
geadministreer sou word om die wanbalans in globalisasie die hoof te bied. Hoofstuk 3 handel
oor die raakpunte tussen die instelling van 'n wêreldwye belasting en die feministiese beskouing
van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 4 bied 'n oorsig oor die strukturele
ontoereikendheid van die huidige ekonomiese raamwerk met betrekking tot die ekonomiese en
maatskaplike griewe wat wêreldwye belasting sou bekamp.
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Gendering conflict resolution in the Democratic Republic of the CongoVan Schalkwyk, Gina 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research report documents the results of a study that aims at investigating the potential
contribution of a gender perspective towards conflict resolution. In this regard, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is used as a case in point. The study takes the
form of an exploratory and descriptive study and extensive use is made of both primary and
secondary sources of data.
By arguing that a gender perspective on conflict will elucidate the way in which women are
affected differently by conflict it logically follows that women should be permitted to assume
their rightful positions in attempts at transforming conflict. The application of a gender
perspective furthermore urges a revision of conflict resolution towards conflict management
and transformation as the appropriate ways of bringing an end to war. This implies that the
emphasis is shifted from a search for political solutions towards conflict prevention and early
warning as the most effective ways of pre-empting violent conflict and the breakdown of
peace-processes aimed at resolving violent conflicts. In the search for an appropriate role for
women in conflict management, the study revisits a number of frameworks for the full and
equal participation of women in conflict management at the international, regional and subregional
levels of analysis. These frameworks are then applied to the situation in the DRC
and some practical courses of action are proposed. While the study concludes that there is a
clearly defined need for exposing the gender bias in the analysis and resolution of violent
conflict, it notes that the patriarchal nature of the DRC and the international system will in
many instances hamper progress towards the achievement of a non-patriarchal and nongendered
peaceful social world order. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsverslag dokumenteer die uitkomste van 'n studie wat daarna streef om die
potensiële bydrae van vroue tot konflik resolusie te ondersoek. Tot hierdie end word die
Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo as 'n gevalstudie gebruik. Die navorsings ontwerp is
eksploratories en beskrywend en daar word ekstensief gebruik gemaak van beide primêre en
sekondêre bronne van data.
Deur aan te voer dat 'n gender perspektief op konflik die wyse waarop vroue verskillend
geraak word deur konflik beklemtoon, volg dit logies hierop dat vroue toegelaat behoort te
word om hul regmatig plek in te neem ten tyde van pogings tot konflik transformasie. Die
toepassing van 'n gender perspektief dwing verder ook 'n hersiening van konflik resolusie en
beskou konflik bestuur en transformasie as die gepaste maniere om oorlog tot 'n einde te
bring. Dit bring mee dat daar 'n verskuiwing van klem plaasvind - vanaf 'n soeke na
politieke oplossings na konflik voorkoming en vroeë/tydige waarskuwing as die mees
effektiewe instrumente om geweldadige konflik en die ineenstorting van vredesprosesse te
voorkom. In die soeke na die gepaste rol vir vroue in konflik bestuur, herondersoek die
studie 'n aantal raamwerke vir die volledige en gelyke deelname van vroue in konflik bestuur
op die internasionale, regionale en sub-regionale vlakke van analise. Hierdie raamwerke
word dan toegepas op die situasie in the DRK, en praktiese riglyne word voorgehou. Hoewel
die studie vind dat daar 'n duidelike gedefinieerde behoefte bestaan om die gender
vooroordeel in die analisie en resolusie van konflik te openbaar, word dit ook aanvaar dat
die patriargale aard van die DRK en die internasionale sisteem in die meeste gevalle ware
vooruitgang in die daarstelling van 'n nie-patriargale, gelykregtige, vreedsame sosiale
wêreldorde sal kniehalter.
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Investigating women's participation in protest politics between 1991 and 2001Wildschut, Angelique Colleen 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The involvement of women in both conventional and unconventional forms of political
participation in South Africa has over the past 10 years, and often at present, been
experienced as problematic and limited. Exacerbating the problem of limited access and
information, the study of, and literature about, women's participation in unconventional
forms of politics have also been limited. It is the aim of this study to contribute to our
knowledge in this area.
This study investigates women's participation in unconventional politics between 1991
and 2001. This period is specifically important, as it makes possible the examination of
trends in women's political participation before and after the democratic transition in
1994. This makes it possible for us to speculate about the influence of transition on
women's political participation.
I propose and evaluate two mam hypotheses in which I; firstly, expect women's
participation in protest politics to decrease between 1991 and 2001, and secondly, expect
to find women's levels of participation in protest to be consistently lower than that of
their male counterparts. The complex set of variables influencing women's participation
is evaluated according to the socialization and structural approaches, which offer
different assumptions about the reasons for the trends in women's participation.
In conclusion, I offer the main findings of my research, as well as suggesting possible
areas still to be investigated within the field, as deduced from the questions arising out of
my analysis in this project. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die betrokkenheid van vroue in beide konvensionele en onkonvensionele vorme van
politieke deelname in Suid Afrika, was oor die laaste 10 jaar, en is steeds ervaar as
problematies en beperk. Wat die probleem vererger, is die beperkte toegang tot
informasie, die studie van, en literatuur oor, vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele
vorme van politiek. Dit is in die strewe na die oorkoming van hierdie leemtes, dat hierdie
werk aangepak word.
Hierdie werk ondersoek vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele politiek tussen 1991 en
2001. Hierdie periode is spesifiek belangrik, omdat dit die demokratiese transisie na 1994
insluit, en om neigings in vroulike deelname voor en na 1994 te bestudeer. Dit maak dit
moontlik om oor die invloed van die transisie op vroue se politieke deelname te
spekuleer.
Ek stel, en evalueer twee hoof hipoteses waarin ek; eerstens, verwag dat vroue se
deelname in protes politiek sal verminder tussen 1991 en 2001, en tweedens, verwag ek
om te vind dat vroue se vlakke van deelname in protes, deurentyd laer sal wees as die van
mans. Die komplekse stel veranderlikes wat vroue se deelname beinvloed, word geevalueer
in terme van die sosialisering- en strukturele benaderings, wat verskillende
voorstelle oor die motivering van die geobserveerde neigings in vroue se deelname
oplewer.
Ten slotte, bied ek die hoof bevindinge van my navorsing aan, so wel as voorstelle ten
opsigte van moontlike areas vir verder ondersoek binne die veld.
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Asisjiki: black women in the Economic Freedom Fighters, owning space, building a movementDlakavu, Simamkele Blossom January 2018 (has links)
A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the partial requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at the University of the Witwatersrand Department of African Literature, March 2017 / XL2018
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Chicana feminist voices : in search of Chicana lesbian voices from Aztlán to cyberspaceHernandez, Lisa Justine 15 March 2011 (has links)
Not available / text
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Intercessor, rebel, regent : the political life of Isabella of France (1292/6-1358)Allocco, Katherine Gretchen, 1971- 01 August 2011 (has links)
Not available / text
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Hoops, nets, and ballots : investigating the relationship between competitive sport socialization and political participation of female candidatesCoffman, Jeffrey, University of Lethbridge. Faculty of Arts and Science January 2010 (has links)
Although more women are successfully breaching the social, economic and
political barriers that can prevent them from participating as electoral candidates, few
women campaign for elected office. A dearth of female candidates may be
understandable, given research demonstrating that women tend to avoid competition and
competitive environments. Thus, elections – competitive by design – may attract fewer
women than men. This thesis posits that the inherent competitiveness of electoral politics
may deter women from campaigning for office. However, this work also forwards that
competitive sport socialization during adolescence may prepare women for electoral
competition. This paper examines the results of a self-administered survey mailed to 449
female candidates for municipal office. The survey investigated candidates’ adolescent
experiences in competitive sports and attitudes relating to internal political efficacy. The
results appear to demonstrate a strong correlation between competitive sport socialization
and either positive or neutral evaluations of political competition. / x, 163 leaves ; 29 cm
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The engagement of women in the student government of the University of KwaZulu-Natal with the organizational mandate so as to transform the politics in terms of policy.Nsele, Thandanani Amon. 12 September 2014 (has links)
Although the political participation and representation of women has been increasing in South Africa, in other political sectors, this is debatable. In other words, the transformed nature of South African government institutions suggests that in politics, gender transformation has been achieved. While this may be true of the national government, the same is the contested terrain in as far as other levels of political activism are concerned. For example, a look at student politics raises questions on the idea that there is gender equality in South Africa political sphere. Furthermore, there is an assumption that when women are in governance, they use their positions to influence policies to be responsive to issues that affect women. Even this is a highly contested debate, particularly in the context of student politics.
In the context of South African institutions of higher learning, Student Representative Council (SRC) is a body through which students are represented in governance of such institutions. In most institutions of higher learning, SRCs have been dominated by male students. However, there has been development which has seen more women getting into SRCs, and this development is credited to policies of individual institutions as well as that of the student political movements which provide for gender transformation.
The genesis of gender transformation in student politics has been on the question of presence. In other words, the focus has been on ensuring that women are part of the composition of the SRCs (descriptive representation). And when descriptive representation has been achieved, the focus will extend to the notion of substantive representation. It was therefore important for this study to use a specific institution, University of Kwa Zulu Natal (UKZN) and explore the composition of its SRC with the aim establishing whether the representation of women is descriptive or substantive in nature or even both. The point of entry was to acknowledge the presence of women in the SRC. In exploring the nature of their representation, the researcher focused on how they engage their political movements and the mandates thereof in order to advocate for the feminization of policies.
The findings of this study firstly reveal that the SRC of UKZN has not achieved the descriptive representation of women, let alone the substantive one. This needs to be elucidated on. While there are some women in the SRC, their number is too small which is 10 out of 60 and that equals to 16.6%. Politics being the game of numbers, this would naturally make it hard for women to exert a lot of influence. Furthermore, this is a lot less than the target of the vanguard political movements. Secondly, of all the women that are in the SRC, only a small number of women indicated to be contributing a lot of substance in promoting the gender transformation agenda. What separates these women from others is political experience and will power which may translate into capacity. However, the same cannot be said of the other women. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban 2013.
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Representation of black, young, women politicians in South African online news media : a case study of Lindiwe MazibukoMannya, Maphuti Mabothakga 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the main areas of transformation that continues to be a priority in the 21st century in
South African and all other democratic societies is equality between men and women. The
media plays an important role in attaining the desired balance in the way it represents both
genders. This study analysed the representation of South Africa's main opposition party's
(Democratic Alliance) parliamentary leaders, Lindiwe Mazibuko, in the online print media in
South Africa. Articles on Mazibuko from four leading news websites were analysed during
the period in which her nomination to the position of parliamentary leader was announced,
the run up to the party's elections, her election to the position and a month into her election.
Not all persons suffered equally under the Apartheid regime therefore the empowerment of
black women and their rise to positions of leadership and power remains an important priority
if the gains of freedom are to be completely attained. Therefore every hindrance that would
hamper their efforts should be addressed. The way the media represents not only women in
general, but black women in particular is an important area of focus. Moreover, coverage of
these women when they are in power and how they are portrayed to be handling these
positions is critical.
The paper approaches the representation of black, women politicians in the South African
media from a womanist approach which goes beyond feminist assertions, from the mass
communications theory, gender and media and the political economy theories. Using the
quantitative research method of content analysis, 101 articles published on Timeslive, City
Press Online, Mail & Guardian Online and Independent Online websites between 1
September 2011 and 30 November 2011 were analysed. The findings revealed that Mazibuko's age was mentioned in 62% of the articles, her gender
in 28% of the articles and her race in 21%. This means that more than her race and gender,
her age was the main area of focus for the majority of the news articles. The conclusion of
this study questions the focus of these attributes that have no influence on her performance or
ability to do her work and what it means to the progression of media representation of not
only black women political leaders, but aspiring young, black, women political leaders. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gelykheid tussen mans en vroue is een van die hoofareas van transformasie, en 'n
voortdurende prioriteit in die 21ste eeu in die Suid-Afrikaanse en talle ander demokratiese
samelewings. Die media speel 'n belangrike rol om 'n gewenste balans te bereik deur hoe
beide geslagte verteenwoordig of uitgebeeld word. In hierdie studie was die
verteenwoordiging van een van Suid-Afrika se hoof opposisie partye (Demokratiese Alliansie)
se parlementêre leiers, Lindiwe Mazibuko, in die aanlyn gedrukte media in Suid-Afrika
geanaliseer. Artikels oor Mazibuko van vier toonaangewende aanlyn nuus webtuistes tydens
die aankondiging van haar nominasie tot die posisie as parlementêre leier, die aanloop tot die
party se verkiesing, haar verkiesing tot die posisie, asook 'n maand na haar verkiesing, is
geanaliseer.
Nie alle mense het in dieselfde mate onder die Apartheidsbewind gely nie, daarom bly die
bemagtiging van swart vroue en hul opgang na leierskap 'n gewigtige prioriteit indien die
voordele van vryheid as geheel bereik sou word. Alle hindernisse wat hul pogings beperk
moet dus aangespreek word. Die manier hoe die media nie net vroue in geheel, maar
spesifiek swart vroue verteenwoordig, is 'n belangrike fokus area. Verder is die blootstelling
van hierdie vroue wanneer hulle in magsposisies is, asook hoe hulle voorgehou word om
daardie posisies te hanteer, van kardinale belang. Hierdie tesis benader die verteenwoordiging van swart, vroue politici in die Suid-Afrikaanse
media vanuit 'n vroue (womanist) benadering wat verder as feministiese bewerings gaan,
vanuit die massa-kommunikasieteorie, geslag en media asook die politieke ekonomiese
teorieë. Daar was gebruik gemaak van inhoudsanalise om 101 artikels wat op die webtuistes
van 'Timeslive’, 'City Press Online’, 'Mail & Guardian Online’ en 'Independent Online’
gepubliseer is tussen 1 September 2011 en 30 November 2011, te analiseer.
Die bevindinge het daarop gewys dat Mazibuko se ouderdom in 62% van die artikels, haar
geslag in 28% van die artikels en haar ras in 21% van die artikels genoem was. Dit beteken
dat meer as haar geslag of ras was haar ouderdom die vernaamste fokusarea van die meeste
nuusberigte. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie studie bevraagteken hierdie eienskappe wat geen
invloed het op haar vordering of vermoë om haar werk te doen, en wat dit beteken vir die
vooruitgang van mediaverteenwoordiging van nie slegs swart, vroue politieke leiers nie, maar
aspirant jong, swart, vroue politieke leiers.
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Stirring the hornet's nest: women's citizenship and childcare in post-apartheid South AfricaAlfers, Laura Corrigall January 2006 (has links)
It is a widely acknowledged fact that women’s access to the full rights of citizenship in the liberal state is restricted because of their unequal responsibility for childcare. The South African state, however, despite its theoretical commitment to gender equality, has failed substantially to engage with the issue of childcare and women’s citizenship. This is problematic because in failing to envisage a role for itself in supporting women with their responsibility for childcare, the state has not only neglected its Constitutional commitments to gender equality, but it has also failed to realise the benefits that could potentially accrue to children if women’s access to economic citizenship is not hampered by childcare. Recognising this problem, this thesis attempts to engender some debate as to how the South African state could feasibly correct this failure. In doing so, it uses feminist political theory as a basis and takes a critical view of the two childcare policies that have dominated the debate over women’s citizenship and childcare in Western liberal democracies – socialised care and the neofamilialist model. In concluding it attempts to provide an idea of what feasible, state-based childcare policies could look like in present-day South Africa.
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