Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:58:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JACILEIA CADETE ABREU.pdf: 1176734 bytes, checksum: 26832f7ca152edbb09df390d43d4e166 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-25 / Fundação Ford / This paper focuses on the women experiences working in partisan politics in São Luís do Maranhão. Through their narratives, we sought to understand and point out the strategies and capital used by them to step into and remain in the political space, which has traditionally been occupied mostly by men. The empirical field of research is the space of political action of a women s group in the city of São Luis in the years 2000-2004 and 2004-2008, periods decisively marked by moves that highlight the strengthening of the women s rights for political participation after decades of closures and silences of greater female participation in political spheres. The theoretical framework employed in this research lies in the concepts of social capital, trajectories, strategies, and habitus developed during the work of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. This contribution allowed the development of research enabling the mapping of movement of the parliamentary investigated in their inclusion in political spaces, without losing sight of the plots prepared for them to manage the public and private lives. Life story provided the information necessary to understand the strategies used by these women in their political trajectories that are sheltered by specific social field. Thus, we used unstructured interviews as a procedure for data collection. The achievement of this work allowed understand, among others things, that in the case of investigated women, their insertion into the world of partisan politics occur because a number of reasons, among them, generally by parts of the male figures (husbands, parents or in-laws, etc.) that lead them to the political activity; another important finding is that the work indicated that the investigated people perceive politics as a "mission", as a place of generosity, solidarity, as a ministry, thus removing the representation of politics as an area par excellence of political vacation / Este trabalho focaliza as vivências de mulheres que atuam na política partidária em São Luís do Maranhão. Por meio das narrativas dessas mulheres, buscou-se perceber e apontar as estratégias e os capitais utilizados por elas para adentrarem e se manterem no espaço político que, tradicionalmente, é ocupado em sua maioria por homens. O campo empírico da pesquisa é os espaços de atuação política de um conjunto de mulheres na cidade de São Luís, nos anos de 2000 a 2004 e de 2004 a 2008, períodos decisivamente marcados por movimentos que evidenciam o fortalecimento dos direitos de participação política da mulher, após décadas de silenciamentos e interdições de maior participação feminina nos espaços políticos. O referencial teórico empregado nesta pesquisa se encontra nos conceitos de capital social, trajetórias, estratégias e habitus desenvolvidos ao longo da obra do sociólogo francês Pierre Bourdieu. Esse aporte conceitual permitiu o desenvolvimento da pesquisa possibilitando o mapeamento do movimento das parlamentares investigadas em sua inserção nos espaços políticos, sem perder de vista as articulações elaboradas por elas para administrarem a vida pública e a privada. A história de vida forneceu os elementos necessários para apreender as estratégias utilizadas por essas mulheres em suas trajetórias políticas que são abrigadas por campo social específico. Desta forma, utilizou-se de entrevistas não estruturadas como procedimento para coleta de dados. A consecução deste trabalho permitiu constatar, entre outros, que no caso das mulheres investigadas, suas inserções no mundo da política partidária se dão por uma série de razões, entre estas, geralmente, por partes de figuras masculinas (maridos, pais ou cunhados, etc.) que as encaminham para a atividade política. Outra constatação importante é que o trabalho apontou que as investigadas percebem a política como uma missão , como espaço de generosidade, solidariedade, como um apostolado, afastando, assim, da representação da política como um espaço por excelência da vocação política

This study focused on the rhetorical structure of the Women's Social and Political Union. An interdisciplinary methodology was used to examine the components of rhetorical structure: ideology, goals, leaders, membership, and strategies. The rhetorical structure became the thread which held the movement together and provided the impetus for its progression and through four stages: formation and development, the beginning of militancy, the flourishing of membership, and the eruption of violence. The final stage brought about differing ideologies, inconsistent goals, and a divided membership. Although the rhetorical structure was shattered and the movement ended, it succeeded in changing the Victorian image of women and contributed to the larger women's movement.

The Scottish perspective of the Glorious Revolution of 1688 has received limited scholarly attention. The opposite is true of the Union of 1707 and this defining moment, which resulted in the loss of Scottish independence, continues to stimulate debate. The lives of Scottish noblewomen in the years from Revolution to Union have generally been disregarded. This thesis will demonstrate that acknowledging and exploring the experiences of noblewomen augments understanding of this momentous era. Investigating the lives of Scottish noblewomen using their letters to explore how they lived through the Revolution, the ‘ill years’ of King William’s reign, the Darien venture, European war and ultimately the negotiation of Union provides fresh perspectives on the social, economic and political life of Scotland. Recovering the experience of noblewomen engages with a wider process in Scottish history which has transformed understanding in some areas of historical study but has by no means permeated all. Redefining female political activity has illuminated the influence of elite English women in the later eighteenth century. Scottish noblewomen require similar extensive study. The research presented here supports the argument that political analysis alone cannot provide the fullest assessment of this period. Women are revealed as a vital element within social aspects of political manoeuvring and both created and maintained family networks. This research challenges the constricting framework of the public and private dichotomy. It aims to reveal and redefine the responsibilities of noblewomen within an expanded sphere of activity and suggests a much more inclusive role for women than has previously been considered. The formation of a British parliament in 1707 reduced the number of Scots parliamentarians and changed the role of the governing elite in Scotland but did not diminish Scottish women’s influence and participation. This thesis argues that Scottish noblewomen operated with autonomy within patriarchal parameters to support menfolk, exert authority and in some cases wield influence. Demonstrating their roles, abilities and a new form of social politics at work in Scotland is a vital part of understanding the post Union period and the development of British politics.

This dissertation investigates the interaction of gender and party in the political communication of members of Congress (MCs). The study focuses on the tweets of all MCs in the House of Representatives during two weeks of the 114th Congress (9,374 tweets from 431 MCs). I conduct an in-depth content analysis of these tweets to extract important message characteristics related to issue areas, electoral behaviors, and constituency targeting. I find that MCs emphasize their partisan ties when they tweet about women’s or men’s issues, but Democratic congresswomen and Republican congressmen go further to address feminine and masculine issue areas respectively. In their electoral behaviors, congresswomen posted more advertising tweets than congressmen, especially Republican congresswomen. Republican congresswomen took individual credit for legislation at high rates and shared very little, while Democratic congresswomen shared credit almost as much as they took individual credit. Furthermore, while both Democratic and Republican congresswomen see themselves as “surrogate representatives” (Carroll 2000) of the women beyond the boundaries of their districts, Democratic congresswomen target national constituencies significantly more often than their colleagues. These results provide evidence that gender is not enough to understand how MCs communicate – the key lies at the nexus of gender and partisanship.

No description available.

Bibliography: leaves 286-306.

Bibliography: leaves 339-364. / 364 leaves : ill. ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of History and Women's Studies, 1994

<p>The purpose of this study is to map out and to analyze the spatial variation of female representation at the national level in established democracies. The aim is also to explain the variation in the female representation. The main questions that the paper tries to answer are:</p><p>1.How does women representation in established democratic parliaments vary?</p><p>2.Why does women representation in established democratic parliaments vary?</p><p>This study is a comparative and statistic study, i.e. a study that includes a bigger number of countries and where quantitative analysis methods are used in order to achieve comparative analyses. This study is both a descriptive and an explanatory study. The statistical method that is used in this study is mainly bivariat analysis and multivariat regression.</p><p>The results show that the variation in female representation in the established democracies is quite considerable. Sweden, Norway, Finland, Denmark and Netherlands feature high female representation at the national level during the period 1995-2005. The result also implies that the proportion of women in parliament increases during the current period. The result also shows that political institutions, socio-economic -and cultural factors, are important and necessary in order to explain the variation in female representation. The overall standards that can be discerned of the statistical analyses is that the proportion of women in parliament is higher in countries with a proportional electoral system, high number of parliament members, high socio-economic development (high HDI, GDI and GNP per capita) contemporary as the country introduced female suffrage in an early stage and have a more positive attitude toward female leadership.</p>

Drawing from oral histories which I gathered while living in Bolivia, this thesis tracks the start, growth, and development of the political movement led by women from the Bolivian mines from 1961 to 1987. This movement helped create a new political culture that recognized the importance of women’s participation in politics and human rights. Today, this culture lives on. Bolivia has not experienced a coup since 1980, and the nation’s human rights record has improved dramatically since the 1980s as well. Prior to the mid-1980s, Bolivia was often under the control of oppressive military regimes that resorted to many different types of coercion in attempts to silence resistance in the mining centers, the national government’s main source of conflict. This uneven power struggle between working class activists and the national government motivated many women to challenge gender roles and involve themselves in politics. After establishing their political organization called the Housewives’ Committee, women activists organized and acted collectively to challenge political oppression and mitigate the effects of extreme poverty. They frequently employed compelling tactics, most commonly hunger strikes, to win attention for their issues. They also involved themselves in many other diverse projects and demonstrations depending on their communities’ need. Women’s political development resulted in a number of personal transformations among those who participated: it awakened a political consciousness and also enabled women to recognize the importance of their paid and unpaid work in the mining economy. These changes eventually altered women’s understanding of how women’s oppression fit into the broader struggle of working class activism by convincing them of the deep connection between women’s liberation and the liberation of their community. These transformations led to the acceptance of women as political activists and leaders, which continues in the present. This work also tracks the United States’ impact on the relationship between the mining centers and the state. This analysis serves to remind us that as United States citizens we must be very critical of our nation’s impact; because of our ability to enormously affect small land-locked countries like Bolivia, we must also hold ourselves accountable to understanding our historical impact so that we can make informed decisions in the present.

Drawing from oral histories which I gathered while living in Bolivia, this thesis tracks the start, growth, and development of the political movement led by women from the Bolivian mines from 1961 to 1987. This movement helped create a new political culture that recognized the importance of women’s participation in politics and human rights. Today, this culture lives on. Bolivia has not experienced a coup since 1980, and the nation’s human rights record has improved dramatically since the 1980s as well. Prior to the mid-1980s, Bolivia was often under the control of oppressive military regimes that resorted to many different types of coercion in attempts to silence resistance in the mining centers, the national government’s main source of conflict. This uneven power struggle between working class activists and the national government motivated many women to challenge gender roles and involve themselves in politics. After establishing their political organization called the Housewives’ Committee, women activists organized and acted collectively to challenge political oppression and mitigate the effects of extreme poverty. They frequently employed compelling tactics, most commonly hunger strikes, to win attention for their issues. They also involved themselves in many other diverse projects and demonstrations depending on their communities’ need. Women’s political development resulted in a number of personal transformations among those who participated: it awakened a political consciousness and also enabled women to recognize the importance of their paid and unpaid work in the mining economy. These changes eventually altered women’s understanding of how women’s oppression fit into the broader struggle of working class activism by convincing them of the deep connection between women’s liberation and the liberation of their community. These transformations led to the acceptance of women as political activists and leaders, which continues in the present. This work also tracks the United States’ impact on the relationship between the mining centers and the state. This analysis serves to remind us that as United States citizens we must be very critical of our nation’s impact; because of our ability to enormously affect small land-locked countries like Bolivia, we must also hold ourselves accountable to understanding our historical impact so that we can make informed decisions in the present.