This thesis is a critical analysis of the discourses used in online news headlines to reporttwo events that took place during 2018 Russian Presidential debates (on February 14,2018 and March 14, 2018) and focused on Ksenia Sobchak, the only female presidentialcandidate of the 2018 election. By analyzing 52 headlines published in Russia’s mostpopular and most read online news outlets, the purpose of this study is to investigatewhether there are any gender stereotypes used by the journalists to create a particularrepresentation of Sobchak, and to understand if, through this representation, a particularideology is put forward. The framework used to carry out the research is based onFairclough’s critical discourse analysis method combined with a sociolinguisticapproach influenced by Halliday. The application of this framework resulted in studyingthe three interrelated elements of discourse: sociocultural practices, which explore therole of women in the Russian political arena and put headlines under analysis into animmediate context; discourse practices, which focus on the peculiarities of online newsproduction, particularly headlines; and linguistic analysis of the headlines themselves,in which lexical choice, quotation patterns, and transitivity analyses were performed.The analysis revealed that headlines include hidden gender stereotypes, which alignwith Russia’s patriarchal ideology and which are used to represent Sobchak lessfavourably in comparison to her male opponents.

This study focuses on Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the U.S. Representative for New York's 14th Congressional District, and how news media portray her based on her gender, age, and ethnicity, which still play essential roles in the political system in the United States. The analysis of previous academic research, newspaper articles from the New York Times and the Washington Post (June 1, 2018 to June 30, 2019) and framing and feminist theories are used to evaluate coverage of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. The newspaper stories are examined based on the framing of traits including being the youngest woman ever elected to Congress, being Latina, and being one the most progressive politicians in the Congress. The main objective of this study is to shed light on a topic that at this moment in time is more relevant than ever because the 116th Congress has the highest number of women and women of color in U.S. history. I examine media coverage that Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez receives for stereotypical frames, so that, overall, all women running or holding public office may receive unbiased and more balanced media coverage. This study also intends to hold media outlets accountable for the way they portray different candidates because it has a significant influence on the voting population.

The purpose of this study is to analyze women’s political representation in Umeå City Council from 1913 to 1946. By analyzing patterns in the representation, it is defined how the representation at a local level has changed over time and why. The article argues that female representation is affected by several factors, especially institutions, structures and actors. The analysis is based on these three, and how they interact. To determine continuity or change in the female presence a qualitativevariable analysis of patterns is applied. The representation is compiled and analyzedusing descriptive statistics and bar graphs. Female representation is continuously low throughout the period studied. The political role of women is characterized bythe male dominance of politics. Women represented in the political areas that were considered lighter, or stereotypical women's territories.

There are proportionally fewer Hispanic Americans, African Americans and women in Congress than in the United States population. Existing literature prescribes a variety of explanations for this disparity including skewed nominations procedures, differing participation rates, racial gerrymandering, voting biases, and funding inequities. This study revisits one aspect of the underrepresentation issue: campaign contributions. Money has been an integral component of the electoral process since before the American Revolution and its impact on the current composition of Congress ought to be explored to a greater extent. Previous research shows that contributors rarely, if at all, discriminate on the basis of gender. This study intends to further investigate the congressional campaign funding of African Americans and provide some much needed insight regarding the campaign financing of Hispanic American candidates. Using financial and biographical data from each candidate within the 2004 and 2008 election cycles, a multiple regression model will be employed to evaluate the extent to which gender and minority status determine the distribution of congressional campaign funds independent of other electability traits considered influential by contributors (the percentage of vote received in the last election, incumbency, and the leadership position held are indications of candidate strength that affect campaign contributions). The magnitude and statistical significance of these coefficients provides further understanding into funding inequities

No description available.

"November 2004" / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 246-263) / xi, 263 leaves ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / A comparative study of the impact of international catalysts on women's entry into the national parliaments of Kenya and Australia and whether they have similar impacts on women's parliamentary recruitment in countries that have different terms of incorporation into the international system. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, Discipline of Gender Studies, 2005

Conservative males traditionally dominated Texas politics. In 1930, however, Sarah T. Hughes, a liberal woman from Maryland, began a spectacular career in state politics despite obstacles because of her gender and progressive ideas. First elected to the Texas Legislature in 1930, she remained active in politics for the next fifty years. Hard work, intelligence, and ability allowed her to form solid friendships with Texas's most powerful politicians. She became the first woman in Texas to hold a district judgeship, the first woman from Texas appointed to the federal bench, and the only woman to swear in a U.S. president. Hughes profoundly influenced state politics, challenging the long-standing conservative male domination. She helped to create a more diverse political field that today encompasses different ideologies and both genders.

During the early twentieth century, the Democratic party dominated the conservative political landscape of Texas. Through the 1920s, members of the Republican party focused on patronage and seemed content to maintain the position of minority party. A growing dissatisfaction with the liberal policies of the New Deal during the 1930s created opportunities for state Republicans to woo dissenting Democrats to their side. With a change of leadership within the state GOP after 1950, the Republicans waged serious campaigns for offices for the first time. Republican men exercised their political yearnings through leadership positions. Women, on the other hand, were shut out of the leadership ranks, and, as a consequence, they chose a traditional female strategy. They organized clubs in order to support the new leadership and rising candidates. Against formidable odds, Republican women acted as foot soldiers and worked diligently to attain their objectives. As early as 1920, Texas Republican women began to organize. In 1938 they joined the newly chartered National Federation of Republican Women. In 1955 Texas women organized the Texas Federation of Republican Women (TFRW). Working through the TFRW, the women became the catalysts that broke the Republican party from its state of inertia, and they significantly contributed to the breakdown of the one-party system in Texas. Willing to do the "shoe leather politicking" necessary for victory, women became invaluable to GOP candidates, who began their campaigns in the clubhouses of Republican women. In 1978, with the election of the first Republican governor in a century, Republicans finally brought competitive politics to Texas. By the 1990s, the GOP became the majority party in the state. Republican women were not only important to the growth of the party, they were the driving force that broke the state from the shackles of one-party rule by winning elections through grassroots efforts. This study fully recognizes the rich contribution women made to Texas politics throughout the twentieth century.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-11-07T12:23:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Lilian Tavares de Bairros Ferreira.pdf: 4897470 bytes, checksum: b22795e948ca9ff931e015d8069facfe (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-07T12:23:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lilian Tavares de Bairros Ferreira.pdf: 4897470 bytes, checksum: b22795e948ca9ff931e015d8069facfe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-14 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / The aim of this study is to discuss the participation of women in the Integralist movement in the city of Santos between 1932 and 1937. This thesis recovers stories from the feminist movement and women‘s fights in the harbor city of Santos. Also, it shows how the leaders of the Integralist movement perceived the possibility of engaging women among their militants. Thus, the Integralism tried to attract women with speeches about defending the family and Catholicism; in order to do so, they proposed that women would participate more effectively in the institutional politics by assigning functions to the group of women whom participated in the movement. In the development of this research, it was possible to observe that the Blusas-Verdes ("Green Blouses", as the women who acted within the Brazilian Integralist Action – AIB were called) operated in well-defined roles: activities in the educational segment, assistance to poor children, matters of public health and preventive medicine. Therefore, the aim of this research is to observe the relations and the development of women‘s participation in the Integralist center of Santos / Este trabalho discute a participação das mulheres no movimento integralista na cidade de Santos entre os anos de 1932 e 1937. A dissertação recupera histórias do movimento feminista e das lutas das mulheres na cidade-porto de Santos. Além disso, mostra como a liderança do movimento integralista percebeu a possibilidade de engajar as mulheres entre seus militantes. Desta forma, o integralismo buscou atrair as mulheres apregoando o discurso em defesa da família e do catolicismo; para tanto, propuseram uma participação feminina mais efetiva na política institucional, outorgando papéis aos grupos de mulheres no movimento. Pela pesquisa desenvolvida, pode-se observar que as Blusas-Verdes (como eram chamadas as mulheres que atuavam dentro da AIB) operavam em funções bem definidas: atividades no setor educacional, assistencialismo às crianças pobres, questões de saúde pública e medicina preventiva. Portanto, o que se pretende nesta pesquisa é observar as relações e a relevância das atuações femininas no núcleo integralista santista

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-05-19T11:57:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Johny Maciel.pdf: 18646890 bytes, checksum: 126b949772cbc562a2db4563168038c0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-19T11:57:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Johny Maciel.pdf: 18646890 bytes, checksum: 126b949772cbc562a2db4563168038c0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This monograph paper was developed from a methodology basis of Social Sciences, with emphasis in political Sciences and added to the contributions of history, anthropology and literature. The main objective is to present the most important aspects of the War of Contestado within a linear process to the formation of the first refuge which took place in the region, considering the social and symbolic elements important in the consolidation of the political leaderships manifested in this conflictive period. The War of Contestado unlikely the other conflicts which are generally remembered by the male engagement in the resistance role, represents the normality with the youth and of the women participation. Despite the effort of the State in silencing the individuals who featured the fight in defense of the legitimacy of the land, the result was proportional to the oppression which the countrymen suffered, developed different ways of the strategies through the collective awareness. The formation of the Contestado took place in large scale by the forced migration of the “gaúchos” – countrymen from the State of Rio Grande do Sul – who were expelled from their homeland by the State in different moments. The Contestado was in the beginning a commercial post between Sao Paulo and Rio Grande do Sul State, afterwards the conflicts involving the “gauchos”, many people searched for this region to restart their lives believing that they would have a distance from the State. Regarding the Republic and the project of modernization applied in the mid-south states with the railway tracks, areas such as the Contestado turned out to be valuable for the important market, becoming the desire between the States of Santa Catarina and Parana. The dispute between these states affected directly the countrymen who recovered rapidly all the resources acquired in other conflicts and started to resist all the interests of the capital. This dispute for the space regarded by the countrymen as sacred, qualified the women as reference in refuges due to the possession of the best resources. Among all, Maria Rosa had an important role of absolute leadership in the acutest moment of the war. In order to have a better understanding of how this process happened, it was necessary a rigorous documentation analysis and with the support of the literature it was possible to understand that the process which led to Maria Rosa to the power comes from a very recent history; the female role in the Farroupilha and in the Rio Grande do Sul Federalist Revolution both contribute meaningfully to break the idea of the Contestado was an exception and this was the main objective of this research / Esta monografia foi desenvolvida a partir da base metodológica das Ciências Sociais, com ênfase nas Ciências políticas e somada as contribuições da história, antropologia e da literatura. Busca-se com isso apresentar os aspectos mais importantes da Guerra do Contestado dentro de um processo linear até a formação dos primeiros redutos na região, considerando os elementos sociais e simbólicos importantes na consolidação das lideranças políticas manifestadas no período conflituoso. A Guerra do Contestado diferentemente de outros conflitos que são costumeiramente lembrados pelo engajamento masculino no papel de resistência representa a normalidade com a inclusão infanto-juvenil e das mulheres. Apesar do esforço do Estado em silenciar os sujeitos que protagonizaram uma luta em defesa da legitimidade da terra, o resultado foi proporcional à opressão que os sertanejos sofreram, desenvolveram diferentes formas de estratégias através da consciência coletiva. A formação do Contestado ocorreu em larga escala pela migração forçada dos gaúchos que foram expulsos de sua terra de origem pelo Estado em diferentes momentos. O Contestado era a princípio um entreposto entre São Paulo e Rio Grande do Sul, depois dos conflitos envolvendo os gaúchos, muitos recorreram a região para recomeçarem suas vidas acreditando que teriam um distanciamento do Estado. A partir da República e do projeto de modernização aplicado no centro-sul com a malha ferroviária, áreas como do Contestado passaram a ter um valor de mercado importante, sendo objeto de desejo entre os estados de Santa Catarina e Paraná. A disputa entre os Estados afetou diretamente os sertanejos que resgataram rapidamente recursos adquiridos em outros conflitos e passaram a resistir aos interesses do capital. Esta disputa pelo espaço considerado pelos sertanejos como sagrado, credenciou as mulheres como referência nos redutos por disporem de maiores recursos. Dentre todas Maria Rosa desempenhou o papel de liderança absoluta no momento mais agudo da Guerra. Para entender melhor como ocorreu este processo foi preciso uma análise documental rigorosa e com apoio da literatura foi possível compreender que o processo que levou Maria Rosa ao poder advém de uma história recente; o papel feminino na Farroupilha e na Revolução Federalista no Rio Grande do Sul contribuem significativamente para romper com a ideia de que o Contestado foi uma exceção e este foi o objetivo central da pesquisa