The thesis is about the representation of the women in the politics, especially in The Czech Republic. The goal is to answer on the question, if this approach depends on the position of the political party on the ideological left-right spectrum. First the thesis is focused on the development of the women's position in the society since the 18th century and on the women's right struggle within feminism. The second part of thesis presents the methods, which support the women's political activity. The last capture analyzes the approach to the women in politics of seven political parties, which won the seat in the Chamber of Deputies in Parliament of The Czech Republic in the years 2006 and 2010. It compares their approach to policy of equal gender representation in the party's documents and in the reality. The result of the analysis is that the power of the party is more important than its position on left-right spectrum in the approach to women. The more powerful party is the less opportunities have the women in politics.

Gender equality is one of the important phenomena in development, in that uneven development results in gender inequality. In the process of development, some groups of people, especially men, benefit more than others because the structures allow them to participate more. The poor are thought of as men mainly, whereas the majority of the poor are women. There can be no sustainable development when decisions about changing the lives of people are taken without the participation of half of the very lives that have to be changed, i.e. women. In an attempt to address gender inequality, feminist theories emphasize the need for equal treatment of men and women. The main concern is how women are encouraged to participate in development. Thus, gender approaches were introduced so as to mainstream women into development. Again, there is increasing recognition among politicians and researchers of the importance of considering gender issues in local government policy to reduce political inequalities, and to increase the efficiency and effectiveness of the local government. It is extremely necessary that women should also participate in decision-making at this level of governance. This case study was conducted at the Krugersdorp Local Council. The main objective of the study was to evaluate factors that inhibit or promote the participation of women in political decision-making. Focus group interviews were conducted, and twenty respondents participated in the study. Some of the major findings of this study were that the community around Krugersdop is still patriarchal and that the Krugersdorp Local Council is not yet gender sensitive. Also, the triple roles, lack of safety and not knowing the role of being a councillor inhibit women councillors from political decision-making. On the other hand, the proportional representation encourages women to participate in political decision-making. / Dr. Maria Motebang

<p>How does the built environment contribute to democracy? Can the built environment shape democratic processes of representation? This project employs mixed-methods to explore the relationship between the city, as a built and lived environment, and the inclusion of marginalized groups in democratic politics, focusing on how social movements contribute to political representation. Using the Gezi Park protests in Turkey and the Women’s March protests in Boston, San Antonio, Pittsburgh, and Amarillo, I develop a theoretical account of how and why the built environment encourages democratic inclusion of diverse groups. I test these expectations through a series of statistical analyses of an original dataset on the Women’s March protests covering 330 cities with competitive mayoral elections between 2017-2018. Through both my quantitative analyses and my qualitative cases, I find that the spatial structure of the city shapes movement inclusion and that inclusive movements positively impact the quality of democracy, not only when activists are making direct claims to occupy particular spaces, as in the Gezi case, but also when activists come together for more abstract goals, as in the case of the Women’s Marches.</p>

This study explored how women involved in U.S. politics visually framed themselves on their Instagram pages. While recent research in political communications examined the use of Facebook and Twitter, few studies assessed Instagram's role in the game of politics. Guided by political and visual framing theories, a quantitative content analysis of Instagram posts (N = 1,947) from women involved in U.S. politics was conducted. This examination allowed for an exploration of how these public figures framed themselves on Instagram and the extent to which they shared personal content, despite their varied involvement in U.S. politics. Results showed that: both Democrat and Republican women shared political content more often than personal content; Instagram affords a visual-first emphasis for different political issues; and women most often framed themselves as the credible, ideal stateswoman, while still showcasing their personality. Implications for this study affirm Instagram as a legitimate political communications platform, despite its reputation as a food and travel haven.

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The effects that Women's political participation in the Middle East has on political parties and regimes have been investigated by the political science community. However, how women's political participation and changing societal roles affect women's lives has not received adequate attention. This is a comparative historical analysis that investigates how women's societal roles and political participation in Iraq changed from 1968 to the present. It examines how factors such as social conservatism, party ideology, war, sanctions, religion, and international pressure during different periods in Iraq's modern history influenced changes in Iraqi women's roles and participation over time. These changes in societal roles and political participation are used to analyze the restrictions and expansions in Iraqi women's civil rights in areas such as family, work and mobility, political and cultural expression, health and sexual control, and education. / by Gina Marie Longo. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2008. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2008. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

This thesis challenges the conventional wisdom that the W.S.P.U.'s strategy choices were unimportant in regard to winning women's suffrage. It confirms the hypothesis that the long-range strategy of the W.S.P.U. was to escalate coercion until the Government exhausted its powers of opposition and conceded, but to interrupt this strategy whenever favorable bargaining opportunities with the Government and third parties developed. In addition to filling an apparent research gap by systematically analyzing these choices, this thesis synthesizes and tests several piecemeal theories of social movements within the general framework of the natural history approach. The analysis utilizes data drawn from movement leaders' autobiographies, documentary accounts of the militant movement, and the standard histories of the entire British women's suffrage movement. Additionally, extensive use is made of contemporary periodicals and miscellaneous works on related movements.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2014-04-28 / This work sought to examine the electoral quotas as a public policy, through the analysis of the Brazilian laws in force, the literature and official data on the participation of women in positions of power, especially in the Brazilian legislat ive power. First of all, we analyzed the right to equality and its variations, as well as the mechanisms to enforce it, with emphasis on affirmative action. We also analyzed the legitimacy of affirmative action to protect the rights of minorities, especially women in positions of power. The regulatory instruments of the electoral quota policy were evaluated, seeking to unravel the difficulties arising from the legal framework of public policy. This paper brought to the spotlight the mechanisms used to implement the policy and possible ways o reduce inequality between men and women in Brazilian politics and the results of women s participation in Brazilian elections since the implementation of affirmative action electoral quotas. In order to do it, we analyzed documents and bibliographies on the right of women, the importance of women's political participation to democracy and electoral quotas on Brazilian politics, as well as official data on election results since 1996. From this research , we concluded that, although important steps have been taken to promote gender equality in Brazil, there is still much to achieve , especially on women's participation in politics. / A partir de estudo bibliográfico e análise de dados oficiais sobre a participação das mulheres nos espaços de poder, em especial no legislativo brasileiro, buscou-se analisar a política pública de cotas eleitorais, por meio da análise das leis que vigorara m e vigoram sobre o tema. Iniciou-se analisando o direito a igualdade e suas vertentes, assim como os mecanismos para efetivar esse direito, com ênfase nas ações afirmativas. Passou-se então analisar a legitimidade das ações afirmativas na proteção dos direitos das minorias, em especial das mulheres nos espaços de poder. Avaliaram-se os instrumentos normativos da política de cotas eleitorais, buscando desvendar as dificuldades oriundas da estrutura legal da política pública. Por meio de análise dos resultados da participação das mulheres nas eleições brasileiras desde a implantação da ação afirmativa de cotas eleitorais, problematizou-se sobre os mecanismos utilizados para implantar a política e os caminhos possíveis para diminuir a desigualdade entre homens e mulheres na política brasileira. Para tanto, foram analisados documentos e bibliografias sobre o direito das mulheres, a importância da participação política das mulheres para a democracia e sobre política de cotas eleitorais brasileira, bem como dados oficiais sobre os resultados eleitorais desde 1996. De tal análise, concluiu-se que, embora importantes passos tenham sido dados para a promoção da igualdade de gênero no Brasil, muito há ainda que avançar, especialmente na participação das mulheres na política.

Doctor of Philosophy / Responsible Government began in New South Wales in 1856. Direct participation by women began 70 years later in 1925 with the election of Millicent Preston-Stanley. Her first speech questioned whether Parliament was a fit place for women. Another significant milestone was reached after another 70 years when female MLAs in the Fifty-first Parliament constituted 15% of the Legislative Assembly and female MLCs made up 33% of the Legislative Council. In the 1990s there was no formal barrier to the participation of persons on the basis of their sex but no scholarly study had addressed the question of whether the Parliament’s culture was open to all gender orientations. This study examines the hypothesis that the Parliament informally favoured some types of gender behaviour over others. It identifies ‘gender’ as behaviour rather than a characteristic of persons and avoids the conflation of gender with sex, and particularly with women exclusively. The research used interviews, observation and document study for triangulation. The thesis describes the specific context of New South Wales parliamentary politics 1995-1999 with an emphasis on factors that affect an understanding of gender. It explores notions of representation held by MPs, analyses their personal backgrounds and reports on gender-rich behaviours in the chambers. The study concludes that gender was a significant factor in the behaviour of Members of the Parliament. There were important differences between the ways that male and female MPs approached their roles. Analysis of the concept of gender in the Parliament shows that some behaviours are more likely to bring political success than are others. The methodology developed here by adapting literature from other systems has important strengths. The data suggest that there is a need for many more detailed studies of aspects of gender in parliaments.