Because of I am a woman the gender issues are very close to me. Different perceptions of men and women we can see all arend us. Attributing stereotypical roles may have influence for the society as a whole. Currently have these issues the more and more attention. I believe that this is a favorable time for a change. From the available sources it is clear that sex discrimination does exist. Women do not have the same conditions as men. The role of mother has not enough for them. They want to achieve their own successes. And the more successes they want to achieve, the more they are forced to overcome barriers. In the theoretical part, after studying literature and other sources, I'm trying to describe briefly the main ideas of feminism and its influence on the pursuit of equality between men and women. Attention was focused primarily on gender, describing the basic concepts, as shown in the society and what principles are used in practice in these issues. After then I examine the labor market and the discrimination that exists here. From the available literature, I found out what the position of women and men in the labor market and what types of discrimination women face. I described the legislative measures in the Czech Republic and European Union. The closing part of theoretical part I focused for the women in politics and leadership positions and barriers, which restrict them access to these realms. The practical part of my work is divided into two chapters. In the first chapter, I analyzed the situation on the labor market of Czech Republic in terms of women's representation in politics. Representation of women is very low. I expressed my opinion on the issue of equal representation of men and women in politics and quotas that could solve this situation. The second chapter is devoted of the research, in which I learned how the public perceived gender issues, whether they met with the discrimination on the labor market themselves and whether they agree with these positive measures like the correct solution for this problem. For gaining these datas, I chose the method of questionnaire survey, thanks to which I managed to get valid answers from 195 respondents. In the final part, I evaluated the results of the questionnaire and to suggested the recommendations how to resolve the current situation.

Submitted by Maria Medeiros (maria.dilva1@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-07-25T11:49:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ANA PAULA GUEDES DO NASCIMENTO COSTA - DISSERTAÇÃO (PPGCS) 2017.pdf: 1243792 bytes, checksum: e6dab44a909e4ecee07e086989ad3ac2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-25T11:49:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ANA PAULA GUEDES DO NASCIMENTO COSTA - DISSERTAÇÃO (PPGCS) 2017.pdf: 1243792 bytes, checksum: e6dab44a909e4ecee07e086989ad3ac2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08 / CNPq / A determinação de papéis sociais diferenciados e rígidos nos quais as mulheres foram subjugadas à esfera privada do lar, do cuidado, da reprodução e abnegação, e os homens foram privilegiados com a ocupação do espaço público, do conhecimento, das discussões e, consequentemente da política, acabou por muito tempo impedindo a presença delas nesse meio. Hoje, ainda que de maneira lenta e gradual, esta realidade vem sendo modificada e as mulheres têm reivindicado sua presença nos espaços do poder. No entanto, é fato também, que o número delas nesse meio é extremamente baixo: na Câmara Federal, elas são apenas cerca de 10% da representação. Desse modo, a Assembleia Legislativa da Paraíba que é estruturada em 36 cadeiras, tem hoje uma representação feminina composta por apenas três nomes: Camila Toscano, Daniella Ribeiro e Estela Bezerra. Assim, é nosso objetivo nessa dissertação, entender como essas mulheres se inseriram na política, quais as vias de acesso por elas utilizadas: os nomes de família (grupos oligárquicos) ou a participação em movimentos sociais, e desse modo, analisar a construção de seus mandatos e de suas proposituras, considerando se elas têm como base sua condição de gênero ou não. A maneira pela qual essas parlamentares entendem e vivenciam o ambiente da política e como compreendem o papel da mulher nesse meio, foram fundamentais para a construção dos argumentos aqui expostos. A categoria de gênero e a compreensão da delimitação de papéis sociais distintos para homens e para mulheres, foram basilares nesse processo. A análise de suas agendas políticas, o acompanhamento de sessões parlamentares que contaram com sua presença, bem como a realização de entrevistas com as três deputadas e o percurso feito pelas mulheres ao longo da história social e política do país, encerram os meios utilizados para estruturar tais argumentações. / The determination of differentiated and rigid social roles in which women were subjugated to the private sphere of the home, care, reproduction and self-denial, and men were privileged with the occupation of public space, knowledge, discussions and consequently, politics, ended up, for a long time, preventing their presence in this environment. Nowadays, although slowly and gradually, this reality has been modified and women have claimed their presence in power positions. However, it is also a fact that their numbers are extremely low: in the Federal Chamber, they are only about 10% of representation. Thus, the Legislative Assembly of Paraíba, which is structured in 36 seats, now has a female representation composed of only 3 names, Camila Toscano, Daniella Ribeiro and Estela Bezerra. Therefore, it was our goal, through this research, to understand how these women were inserted in politics, what access routes they used: family names (oligarchic groups) or participation in social movements, and thereby, to analyze the construction of their political mandates and their candidacy, considering whether these are based on their gender condition or not. The way in which these parliamentarians understand and experience the political surroundings and how they understand the role of women in this environment were fundamental to the construction of the arguments presented here. The gender category and the understanding of the delimitation of distinct social roles for men and for women were fundamental in this process. The analysis of their political appointments, the follow-up of their parliamentary sessions, as well as interviews with the three women deputies, the course taken by women throughout the social and political history of the country, contain the means used to structure such arguments.

Submitted by Gabriela Fernandes (gabi.costa.tf@gmail.com) on 2012-05-17T01:43:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Gabriela_Fernandes_FINAL.pdf: 1394995 bytes, checksum: b6caa255312f0d9dbaae10f2a7e74551 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2012-08-16T14:25:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Gabriela_Fernandes_FINAL.pdf: 1394995 bytes, checksum: b6caa255312f0d9dbaae10f2a7e74551 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-08-16T14:25:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gabriela_Fernandes_FINAL.pdf: 1394995 bytes, checksum: b6caa255312f0d9dbaae10f2a7e74551 (MD5) Previous issue date: 16-12-20 / Com o aumento progressivo do percentual das mulheres nas câmaras legislativas do mundo, examinamos quais seriam suas consequências em decisões de gastos públicos, saúde e educação na pré-infância e até na aprovação de medidas polêmicas, como o aborto sob demanda. Sob a luz dos modelos de ``cidadão-candidato'' e com base em evidências empíricas de que mulheres têm preferências políticas mais voltadas ao bem-estar social, utilizamos o método do corte seccional aplicado a médias no tempo a fim de testar nossas hipóteses. De fato, a presença feminina nos congressos do mundo traz maiores gastos públicos sobre produto, direcionados principalmente a saúde e educação, além de uma redução nos gastos militares. Nas taxas de matrícula em educação pré-primária, também há influência positiva de parlamentares do gênero feminino, o mesmo não podendo ser dito sobre indicadores de saúde infantil. Em uma análise gráfica, encontramos relação positiva entre mulheres nos parlamentos e legalização do aborto e do casamento homossexual. / With the rise of the proportion of women in legislative chambers around the world, we examine which would be its consequences in public spending, early childhood health and education and even in the approval of polemic measures, such as abortion on demand. In light of ``citizen-candidate'' models and based on empirical evidence that women have political preferences leaning towards welfare policies, we use the cross-section method applied to an average over time in order to test our hypotheses. Indeed, female presence in congresses of the world cause higher public spending, mainly directed to health and education, besides a reduction in military spending. In pre-primary enrollment rates, there is also a positive influence of female legislators, but the same cannot be said about childrens' health indicators. In a graphical analysis, we find a positive relationship between women in Parliaments and abortion and gay marriage legalization.

The purpose of this study is to map out and to analyze the spatial variation of female representation at the national level in established democracies. The aim is also to explain the variation in the female representation. The main questions that the paper tries to answer are: 1.How does women representation in established democratic parliaments vary? 2.Why does women representation in established democratic parliaments vary? This study is a comparative and statistic study, i.e. a study that includes a bigger number of countries and where quantitative analysis methods are used in order to achieve comparative analyses. This study is both a descriptive and an explanatory study. The statistical method that is used in this study is mainly bivariat analysis and multivariat regression. The results show that the variation in female representation in the established democracies is quite considerable. Sweden, Norway, Finland, Denmark and Netherlands feature high female representation at the national level during the period 1995-2005. The result also implies that the proportion of women in parliament increases during the current period. The result also shows that political institutions, socio-economic -and cultural factors, are important and necessary in order to explain the variation in female representation. The overall standards that can be discerned of the statistical analyses is that the proportion of women in parliament is higher in countries with a proportional electoral system, high number of parliament members, high socio-economic development (high HDI, GDI and GNP per capita) contemporary as the country introduced female suffrage in an early stage and have a more positive attitude toward female leadership.

M.A. / The dissertation analyses the political involvement of two women's organisations, Kontak and Women for Peace, during the period 1976-1990. Both organisations were established in the political watershed year of 1976. Kontak had its roots in `verligte' Afrikaner thinking concerned primarily about the image of the Afrikaner as oppressor. Women for Peace stemmed from the heart of liberal capitalist thinking fearing that the welfare community was under threat. Both organisations thus arose from the privileged white establishment and in this aspect differ from the many other women's organisations that existed in the period under review. The meaning of "political involvement" is defined in the study and evaluated in terms of the protest registered against the apartheid system, the ideological stand that was taken and the extent to which race relations improved. The latter was after all an essential objective of both organisations, more particularly to end conflict than to ensure a complete transition to democracy. The positioning, objective and conduct of the abovementioned organisations must of necessity be highlighted against the background of the oppressive political situation of the day. For this reason the study provides an overview of the political context within which the organisations had to function. It commences with the riots of 1976 when the National Party came under increasing pressure to scale down apartheid and make it more acceptable. Mention is made of the power of the National Party to equate matters of national interest with discrete party political interests. Further mention is made of the unbridgeable gap between intra-parliamentary and extra-parliamentary politics and how the decisive power of the latter was publicly suppressed. The impossibility of "political neutrality" is emphasised and that was precisely the label that the two organisations under discussion would have liked to attach to themselves. Kontak and Women for Peace were not the only players in the field of women's organisations. The study briefly discusses a few of the other main players such as the ANC Women's League, Inkatha's Women's Brigade and the Black Sash. Both Kontak and Women for Peace explicitly stated that they wished to seek reconciliation and peace between privileged whites and disadvantaged blacks "outside of the party-political arena". Neither of them could escape their political roots, however. The new enlightenment in the National Party for example prevented Kontak from taking an increasingly critical stand against apartheid. In the same way the much sharper voice of the Women for Peace was silenced by the approval of liberal PFP thinking. Both organisations registered protest within the safety of intra-parliamentary politics. They constituted no revolutionary threat for the apartheid state and their leaders were neither imprisoned nor banned. In summary it can be said that both Kontak and Women for Peace were able to realise the objectives of reconciliation within their chosen but limited target groups. Praiseworthy projects were undertaken and strong anti-apartheid positions were adopted. Democratic adjustments were constantly made with regard to membership, leadership hierarchy and language orientation. As far as the political main stream was concerned both, however, were wrongly positioned. The black majority moved in extra-parliamentary circles, outside the field of experience and even the protest actions of privileged whites. For this reason Kontak and Women for Peace were unable to contribute directly to the democratic transition to black majority rule but to some extent succeeded in sensitising the privileged white communities to accept change.

M.A. / The study purports to trace and analyse how African women used local structures in the 1950's and 1960's to seek redress against the policies of racial segregation. This study intends showing how African women have piloted local organisations during the period under review, how they resisted all attempts by the local municipal council to have women removed from the location and how women rejected the authority of the local boards. Protest movements and organisations, and the type of political activity women engaged in before the 1950's, have been largely ignored by the few writers who have considered the matter at all. This has resulted in the assumption that there were no women's activities prior to 1950. C. Kros wrote: "...(that) there is a general assumption that until the 1950's women were passive and took a back seat in all spheres except forone or two outbursts of activity, like for instance the resistance against the passes in the Free State in 1913." 3 The study purports to dispel the myth that African women were inactive prior to 1950: This study shows that the emergence of the squatter settlement in the late 1940's was spearheaded by African women who had nowhere to settle, except by pitching up shacks. By early 1940 urban workers found it increasingly difficult to obtain suitably priced residential accommodation as no new houses were built. The study will analyse how Sofasonke Mpanza, a member of the Orlando Advisory Board and the leader of the Sofasonke Mpanza Party, was able to win adherents to his party, the majority of whom were women and why African women in Orlando defied the Municipal Council's regulations and pitched up "shelters" which came to be known as the "Shanty Town".

Univerzita Karlova Filozofická fakulta Ústav Politologie Doktorský studijní program: Politologie Studijní obor: Politologie Annotation to the Dissertation Thesis Role a postavení žen ve vrcholné politice v Československu v letech 1948-1968 The role and status of women in top politics in Czechoslovakia in the years 1948-1968 Mgr. Jana Kočišková Vedoucí práce: Doc. PhDr. Jiří Pernes, Dr. Praha 2017 Annotation: The aim of dissertation thesis is to comprehensively assess and analyze the role and participation of women in top level politics in Czechoslovakia in the years 1948-1968. Selected time period belongs in terms of political participation of women to the less studied. The dissertation deals with and explores the relevance of the three basic kinds of factors affecting the proportion of women in top level politics (institutional, socio-economic and cultural), with regard to the specifics of a given type of undemocratic political regime, the pervasive communist ideology and the leading role of the Communist Party. Cultural factors include historical tradition of female political participation in Czechoslovakia, women's issues in the communist ideology and its application in the USSR and Czechoslovakia in practice. Socio-economic factors include living standard of population, level of education, level of...

The main claim of my thesis is that demand of higher representation of women in politics and calling for quotas are legitimate. This claim is based on theoretical framework of descriptive and group representation. Essentialism is rejected in the line of reasoning in favour of more women in politics. Instead, current disadvantage of women and social and institutional barriers are pointed out. Although there are no common women's interestes, equality issues are predominantly placed on the political agenda by female politicians. Besides gender stereotypes the biggest obstacle for women in politics are their own political parties because they nominate few women and they do not place them at the top of candidate lists. Civic Democratic Party before election to Chamber of Deputies in 2013 was an example of the concept glass cliff when women get to leadership positions in the context of crisis. Quotas are based on mistrust of gradual development. Efficiency of quotas depends on how many political parties use them and in which position in parlament these parties are. The order of candidates on the ballots is also important. Nowadays there is a proposal of legislative quotas which would be obligatory for all political parties.

Brazil is in the 132nd position in the ranking for female parliamentary participation according to the Inter-Parliamentary Union’s latest report (2019). Black women are the ones least involved in national politics. In the state of São Paulo 94 state Deputies were elected in 2018, of these only 11 are women and only 3 are black. This research looks at black female political participation in Brazil, focusing on political engagement in the state and municipality of São Paulo. It employs black feminist theory to investigate the hindrances for black women’s political participation. Intersectionality and political science theories were used as part of the theoretical framework. The research question explored was: “What are the obstacles for black female political participation in Brazil?”. This question is connected to larger issues of gender, race, class, political representation and participation. Semi-structured interviews with black women engaged with institutional politics were conducted, followed by a thematic analysis. The research found four main obstacles preventing a greater participation of black women in politics. The issue of visibility, that is, having enough social capital to gain attention from voters, prevents many black women from receiving support by their political parties. Having a network is also said to be important for those starting in politics, as it can give them the necessary visibility to grow in their political parties. Political education is considered an important tool to have a successful candidacy and is currently overlooked by political parties. Finally, financial investment is said to be underprovided to black female candidates. The interviews show that the obstacles presented are linked to structural racism and sexism within the political parties and in society. Despite their personal investment and engagement, black women are often demeaned. They are perceived as not capable of being good politicians. The oppressions they suffer for their race, gender and class are also experienced in the political arena. They are often silenced as political subjects, but they keep fighting back.

This study sought to determine if the use of negative and aggressive reporting descriptors of female political candidates by the media influences the perception of candidate credibility and voter support. Other researchers have found that female politicians are more likely than male politicians to be subjected to negative and aggressive reporting descriptors during political campaigns by the news media. Two hypotheses were addressed in the study. Hypothesis one predicted that negative and aggressive reporting descriptors of female politicians would result in lower perceptions of candidate credibility in terms of competence and character as compared to neutral descriptors of female politicians. Hypothesis two predicted that negative and aggressive reporting descriptors of female politicians would result in reduced voter support as compared to neutral reporting descriptors of female politicians. An experimental design was employed to test the hypotheses. One experimental group was exposed to a five minute radio news program with negative and aggressive reporting descriptors of a female political candidate while the second experimental group was exposed to the same news reports with neutral reporting descriptors. Both hypotheses were tested utilizing a two-tailed t-test. Results showed a statistically significant difference between the two groups on the perception of candidate credibility in terms of competence. The data would indicate that negative and aggressive reporting descriptors have a detrimental effect on female politicians in terms of perceptions of expertise. The data did not show a statistically significant difference between the two groups in terms of candidate support. The results show that female politicians, who are already less likely to have access to political experience, are further hindered in terms of perceptions of competence by the negative and aggressive reporting descriptors used by the media.