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The Gender Gap and Generational Differences in Ohio's Political BellwetherAaron, Evelyn E. January 2021 (has links)
No description available.
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Fashion for Women in American Politics: A Look at Their ExperiencesWeber, Scout January 2021 (has links)
No description available.
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Gender MainstreamingWegrzyn, Eva 25 April 2017 (has links) (PDF)
Gender Mainstreaming ist eine gleichstellungspolitische Strategie, die daraufhin ausgerichtet ist, sämtliche Entscheidungen in einer Organisation kritisch auf ihre Auswirkungen auf die von geschlechterbezogenen Ungleichheiten unterschiedlich geprägte Lebensrealität von Frauen und Männern zu überprüfen und diesbezüglich bestehende Differenzen abzubauen. Kritik wird u. a. aufgrund der voraussetzungsreichen Umsetzung und der Gefahr, stereotype Geschlechterbilder zu verfestigen, geübt.
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Agenda politique et régime de genre : comparaison socio historique des évolutions en Russie et en France. / Political agenda and gender’s regime : social and historical comparison, review of evolutions in Russia and in France.Zhukova, Olga 28 May 2013 (has links)
La thèse présente l’étude de deux cas nationaux, la Russie et la France, dont les contextes et les genèses des situations présentes sont spécifiques. On suppose que malgré un héritage historique et des institutions politiques différents, les ordres de genre en Russie et en France passent par des étapes semblables. De telles ressemblances sont conditionnées par le fait que la politique publique maintient un ordre de genre inégal et ceci trouve son application dans les structures politiques elle-mêmes, qui représentent une forme pyramidale. Le modèle de l’ordre de genre, propose un cadre théorique heuristique non seulement pour analyser les relations de genre dans les sociétés contemporaines et dans les institutions, mais aussi dans le cadre historique. La thèse a pour objectif d'explorer les différentes facettes de la construction des rapports de genre comme rapports politiques en fournissant à la fois des outils théoriques, une perspective historique, et des études de cas contemporains. La démarche comparative permet de porter un regard décentré sur la réalité propre nationale des rapports de genre, et de questionner des éléments qui peuvent paraître évidents d’un point de vue strictement interne. / This thesis discusses the gender order of two national cases studies – Russia and France. The current situations with regards to gender order are specific to each country and have evolved from differing contexts. However, this thesis proposes that the development of gender order has passed through similar stages, both in Russia and France, despite different historical backgrounds and political systems. In addition, it is proposed that resemblances in the development of gender order are primarily affected by public policy in both countries which supports an order of gender equality. This politically-influenced gender inequality is reflected by the political structure which forms a pyramid structure. The gender order model provides a heuristic theoretical framework in which to analyse gender-relations in the contemporary societies and institutions of each country; along with the opportunity to examine gender-relations from an historical perspective. The aim of this research is to investigate the different facets of the development of gender-relations within a political context in Russia and France. The research methodology incorporates a consideration of the theoretical background to gender-relations, the impact of each country’s development on gender order from an historical viewpoint, and reviews of contemporary case studies. Importantly, a comparative study of this kind allows the idea of national identity to be appraised from an objective viewpoint.
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Estrutura de governo e ação política feminista: a experiência do PT na Prefeitura de São PauloDelgado, Maria do Carmo Godinho 10 October 2007 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2007-10-10 / The present study focuses on the creation of governmental mechanisms, arisen in Brazil as of
the 1980s, designed to guide government intervention in women-related policies. It analyzes
the proposal, drafted by Workers Party feminist militants, of a government body for
elaboration, formulation and policy-executing, in conjunction with other government areas, so
as to propel the implementation of government political action from a feminist perspective.
It places the drafting of the proposal within the framework of the emergence of women as a
new political and social actor in the country, who organized a strong movement in the late
years of the dictatorship and pointed to the need for building specific instruments to influence
State action; hence, the creation of the councils on the status of women, as mediating bodies
between the women s movement and the State; a model distinct from that advocated by other
Workers Party feminists.
Considering the critique presented by the Workers Party feminists regarding the ambiguity
present in the concept underlying the councils on the status of women, the thesis analyzes the
implementation of the Workers Party proposal at the two moments during which the party
took over the local government of the city of São Paulo (1989-1992 and 2001-2004), with the
creation of the Women s Special Coordination (Coordenadoria Especial da Mulher). It points
out constraints to the proposal s assimilation by the party and the potentialities of feminist
action within the administration, boosted by a government structure designed to that end. It
confirms that the hierarchical locus in the government s organizational structure and the
legitimacy and authority for this body s mandate tributaries of the weight that the nucleus of
the government attributes to it are crucial for its action to be efficacious, affecting also
conditions available for performing the task.
It argues that the women s movement is a central actor in pushing for changes in State action,
albeit not sufficient. The presence of a feminist core inside political parties is decisive for the
State to adopt policies in favor of women, given that parties are the central agents in forming
governments. It also indicates that the political and economic context and the strategic
choices made by the women s movement strongly influence the likelihood of the State
including women policies in its agenda.
It considers that State action is still guided by a limited concept of women s citizenship,
which ascribes to them the priority responsibility for social reproduction, founded on the
dichotomy between public and private. It draws on elaborations on social relations of sex and
on the sexual division of labour as theoretical instruments that would better explain the
dynamic of inequality between women and men, to the detriment of the form whereby the
concept of gender was overwhelmingly incorporated in Brazil / Este trabalho aborda a criação de mecanismos governamentais voltados à intervenção do
poder público em políticas para mulheres, surgidos no Brasil a partir da década de 1980.
Analisa a proposta, elaborada por militantes feministas do PT, de um organismo de caráter
elaborador, formulador e executor de políticas, em conjunto com outras áreas de governo,
como propulsor da implantação de uma ação política de governo orientada por uma
perspectiva feminista.
Insere o surgimento da proposta no contexto de emergência das mulheres como um novo
sujeito político e social no país que, organizando um expressivo movimento nos anos finais da
ditadura, apontaram a necessidade de construir instrumentos específicos para incidir sobre a
ação do Estado; sendo, então, criados os conselhos da mulher, que se caracterizaram como
organismos de mediação entre o movimento de mulheres e o Estado; modelo distinto do
defendido por feministas petistas.
Considerando a crítica apresentada pelas petistas à ambigüidade presente na concepção de
conselhos da mulher, a tese analisa a implementação da proposta petista, nos dois momentos
em que o partido assumiu a prefeitura de São Paulo (1989-1992 e 2001-2004), com a criação
da Coordenadoria Especial da Mulher, apontando limites da assimilação da proposta pelo
partido e as potencialidades de uma ação feminista no interior da administração, impulsionada
por uma estrutura de governo voltada a este fim. Confirma que o lugar hierárquico na
estrutura organizacional do governo e a legitimidade e autoridade para a atuação deste
organismo tributárias do peso que o núcleo de governo atribui ao projeto são definitivos
para que sua ação seja eficaz; incidindo, também, sobre as condições disponíveis para o
desempenho do trabalho.
Argumenta que o movimento de mulheres é ator central para pressionar por mudanças na ação
do Estado, mas não suficiente. A presença de um pólo feminista no interior dos partidos
políticos é decisiva para que o Estado adote políticas em favor das mulheres, uma vez que são
os partidos os agentes centrais na formação dos governos. Aponta, ainda, que a conjuntura e
as opções estratégicas desenvolvidas pelo movimento de mulheres têm forte influência nas
possibilidades de que o Estado inclua em sua agenda políticas para as mulheres.
Considera que a ação do Estado ainda é pautada por uma concepção limitada da cidadania das
mulheres, que atribui a elas a responsabilidade prioritária com a reprodução social, fundada
na dicotomia entre público e privado. Apóia-se na elaboração sobre as relações sociais de
sexo e na divisão sexual do trabalho como instrumentos teóricos que melhor explicam a
dinâmica da desigualdade entre mulheres e homens, em detrimento da forma como o conceito
de gênero foi majoritariamente incorporado no Brasil
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Estrutura de governo e ação política feminista: a experiência do PT na Prefeitura de São PauloDelgado, Maria do Carmo Godinho 10 October 2007 (has links)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:56:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Maria do Carmo Godinho Delgado.pdf: 4655002 bytes, checksum: 029fe686425dddc137b3b86772364fdd (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2007-10-10 / The present study focuses on the creation of governmental mechanisms, arisen in Brazil as of
the 1980s, designed to guide government intervention in women-related policies. It analyzes
the proposal, drafted by Workers Party feminist militants, of a government body for
elaboration, formulation and policy-executing, in conjunction with other government areas, so
as to propel the implementation of government political action from a feminist perspective.
It places the drafting of the proposal within the framework of the emergence of women as a
new political and social actor in the country, who organized a strong movement in the late
years of the dictatorship and pointed to the need for building specific instruments to influence
State action; hence, the creation of the councils on the status of women, as mediating bodies
between the women s movement and the State; a model distinct from that advocated by other
Workers Party feminists.
Considering the critique presented by the Workers Party feminists regarding the ambiguity
present in the concept underlying the councils on the status of women, the thesis analyzes the
implementation of the Workers Party proposal at the two moments during which the party
took over the local government of the city of São Paulo (1989-1992 and 2001-2004), with the
creation of the Women s Special Coordination (Coordenadoria Especial da Mulher). It points
out constraints to the proposal s assimilation by the party and the potentialities of feminist
action within the administration, boosted by a government structure designed to that end. It
confirms that the hierarchical locus in the government s organizational structure and the
legitimacy and authority for this body s mandate tributaries of the weight that the nucleus of
the government attributes to it are crucial for its action to be efficacious, affecting also
conditions available for performing the task.
It argues that the women s movement is a central actor in pushing for changes in State action,
albeit not sufficient. The presence of a feminist core inside political parties is decisive for the
State to adopt policies in favor of women, given that parties are the central agents in forming
governments. It also indicates that the political and economic context and the strategic
choices made by the women s movement strongly influence the likelihood of the State
including women policies in its agenda.
It considers that State action is still guided by a limited concept of women s citizenship,
which ascribes to them the priority responsibility for social reproduction, founded on the
dichotomy between public and private. It draws on elaborations on social relations of sex and
on the sexual division of labour as theoretical instruments that would better explain the
dynamic of inequality between women and men, to the detriment of the form whereby the
concept of gender was overwhelmingly incorporated in Brazil / Este trabalho aborda a criação de mecanismos governamentais voltados à intervenção do
poder público em políticas para mulheres, surgidos no Brasil a partir da década de 1980.
Analisa a proposta, elaborada por militantes feministas do PT, de um organismo de caráter
elaborador, formulador e executor de políticas, em conjunto com outras áreas de governo,
como propulsor da implantação de uma ação política de governo orientada por uma
perspectiva feminista.
Insere o surgimento da proposta no contexto de emergência das mulheres como um novo
sujeito político e social no país que, organizando um expressivo movimento nos anos finais da
ditadura, apontaram a necessidade de construir instrumentos específicos para incidir sobre a
ação do Estado; sendo, então, criados os conselhos da mulher, que se caracterizaram como
organismos de mediação entre o movimento de mulheres e o Estado; modelo distinto do
defendido por feministas petistas.
Considerando a crítica apresentada pelas petistas à ambigüidade presente na concepção de
conselhos da mulher, a tese analisa a implementação da proposta petista, nos dois momentos
em que o partido assumiu a prefeitura de São Paulo (1989-1992 e 2001-2004), com a criação
da Coordenadoria Especial da Mulher, apontando limites da assimilação da proposta pelo
partido e as potencialidades de uma ação feminista no interior da administração, impulsionada
por uma estrutura de governo voltada a este fim. Confirma que o lugar hierárquico na
estrutura organizacional do governo e a legitimidade e autoridade para a atuação deste
organismo tributárias do peso que o núcleo de governo atribui ao projeto são definitivos
para que sua ação seja eficaz; incidindo, também, sobre as condições disponíveis para o
desempenho do trabalho.
Argumenta que o movimento de mulheres é ator central para pressionar por mudanças na ação
do Estado, mas não suficiente. A presença de um pólo feminista no interior dos partidos
políticos é decisiva para que o Estado adote políticas em favor das mulheres, uma vez que são
os partidos os agentes centrais na formação dos governos. Aponta, ainda, que a conjuntura e
as opções estratégicas desenvolvidas pelo movimento de mulheres têm forte influência nas
possibilidades de que o Estado inclua em sua agenda políticas para as mulheres.
Considera que a ação do Estado ainda é pautada por uma concepção limitada da cidadania das
mulheres, que atribui a elas a responsabilidade prioritária com a reprodução social, fundada
na dicotomia entre público e privado. Apóia-se na elaboração sobre as relações sociais de
sexo e na divisão sexual do trabalho como instrumentos teóricos que melhor explicam a
dinâmica da desigualdade entre mulheres e homens, em detrimento da forma como o conceito
de gênero foi majoritariamente incorporado no Brasil
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Campaigning on an Environmental Justice Platform: Irmalinda Osuna for Upland City Council, District 3Bekenstein, Jenny 01 January 2019 (has links)
After successfully organizing around preserving Cabrillo Park in Upland and feeling a lack of local political representation, Irmalinda Osuna ran for Upland City Council in the 2018 midterm elections. As one of the many female candidates in the 2018 elections, Irmalinda led a grassroots, community-led political campaign in which she advocated for environmental justice and the preservation of parks, a more inclusive community, increased civic participation, a more efficient use of technology in politics, and support for small businesses.
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Gender Representation in Party Politics: A Case Study of Vhembe District in Limpopo, South AfricaManuella, Nyasha Gaspare 18 September 2017 (has links)
MGS / Institute for Gender and Youth Studies / Political participation has more to do with various procedures than voting only. The United Nations
(2015) argues that politics has to do with freedom of speech, working together without gender
biasness, capacity to take part in the public sphere, ability to be registered as a political contender
and campaign, be voted and be able to hold office at all stages of government leadership.
Therefore, world-over men and women should be equal in order to participate in all areas of
decision making in party-politics. Unfortunately, this has not been easy for women as there have
been several barriers to their participation. This is because gender equality has been implemented
on paper than in practice. This is due to the fact that many people have been socialised to believe
that men are more powerful than women. This practice is deeply engraved into the social systems
extending to the economic and political spheres leading to women being regarded powerless and
unable to take up decision making or influential political positions in many nations. The gender
biasness becomes even more apparent in political parties, women are often appointed to
positions relating to administration and nurturing roles as compared to the strategic positions.
Women continue to be marginalized as men still continue to be regarded as the custodians of
leadership positions this study aims to examine the political disparities between men and women
as they determine who should be nominated and elected leading to many women being
disregarded. Qualitative approach was used for data collection using semi-structured
interviews.Data was then analysed using the thematic analysis to draw themes from the research
as well as participants’ responses. Non-probability sampling was used to choose participants of
the study using the purposive or judgmental sampling. Moreover, a gender audit was made with
regards to gender representation in the Vhembe District political arena. Information for the audit
was acquired through the help of key informants. Findings of the research observed that in the
Vhembe District, besides the existing barriers against women’s ascendency to positions of
political power, women have been finding a way up to influential political positions, even though
many are still concentrated at the very low positions as councillors. Hence, besides the
unprecedented number of women politicians, equal gender relations have not been achieved in
the district. Furthermore, the findings indicated that, political people in the district are less aware
of gender policies as well as government efforts aimed at doing away with gender inequalities in
the sector. In this regard, this research is a significant instrument in highlighting the disparities
that exist between men and women which disadvantage mainly women by holding them back
from accessing equal influential political positions.
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Gender MainstreamingWegrzyn, Eva 25 April 2017 (has links)
Gender Mainstreaming ist eine gleichstellungspolitische Strategie, die daraufhin ausgerichtet ist, sämtliche Entscheidungen in einer Organisation kritisch auf ihre Auswirkungen auf die von geschlechterbezogenen Ungleichheiten unterschiedlich geprägte Lebensrealität von Frauen und Männern zu überprüfen und diesbezüglich bestehende Differenzen abzubauen. Kritik wird u. a. aufgrund der voraussetzungsreichen Umsetzung und der Gefahr, stereotype Geschlechterbilder zu verfestigen, geübt.
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Collins, Murkowski, and the Impeachment of Donald Trump: Cable News Coverage and Self-Representation of Female Republican SenatorsHill, Mackenzie January 2020 (has links)
No description available.
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