Previous studies of Chinese labour resistance have largely focused on the institutions and actors involved in disputes, including worker activists, labour NGOs, and official trade unions. The focus has been on the emergence, evolutionary path, and strategies of labour protests. As a result, scant attention has been paid to the consequences of labour protests. Based on my fieldwork in Guangdong between 2013 and 2016, this study seeks to understand the outcomes of labour disputes, arguing that the organisational characteristics of labour protests and the use of disruptive action in strikes are two key factors shaping protest outcomes. To explain the dynamics of organisational factors in Chinese labour protests, three distinctive organisational patterns have been identified, relating to the actors involved in labour protests, which can be categorised as worker-led, union-led, and NGO-intervened. A worker-led protest involves a dispute initiated by workers' activists or leaders, and is generally a one-off action with weak core leadership. In an NGO-intervened protest, workers can build a more or less sustained leadership structure to organise collective actions and reach the stage of collective bargaining. A union-led protest is organised by a workplace trade union, which, while often confronting enormous institutional constraints, also creates opportunities for the success of the protest.. This research demonstrates that worker protests with different organisational structures tend to adopt different forms of disruptive action to achieve their goals; this, in turn, affects the various outcomes of labour protests. I argue that, when the protest structure is better organised, workers are less likely to resort to violent disruptive actions. In addition, their collective actions are more likely to lead to collective bargaining. When protests are less well organised, workers who lack resources and coordination are more likely to use forcefully disruptive tactics to gain more leverage from the outside.. I further contend that, in an authoritarian country like China, how the state responds to labour protests also greatly determines their favourable or unfavourable outcome for workers. This study regards protest policing as evidence of the state's attitude to labour strikes. My findings show that local governments are more likely to apply temperate and moderate protest policing to labour collective actions that are well organised, refraining from violent disruptions. Likewise, as less well organised protests and unorganised riots often lead to massive disorder and even violence, they are likely to trigger a harsh crackdown by the police force, as well as legal punishment. Hence, this study suggests that the interactions and reciprocal adaptations between protesting workers and the policing tactics of local governments have coefficient influences on the outcome of collective labour actions.. This study further argues that, in addition to outcomes that can be measured in economic terms, labour protests also have an enduring impact on institutions. Although it is not easy for protesters to achieve all of their goals, collective actions have played a role in generating incremental institutional changes in the labour relations system. Attempts by local governments and trade unions to experiment with collective bargaining and develop mechanisms for collective dispute resolution can be viewed as a consequence of protracted labour disputes in Guangdong.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:24:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-09-30Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:52:31Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 scarlatto_ec_me_arafcl.pdf: 6681017 bytes, checksum: 0b3c5284f3cc570470c47d37afa3e7ab (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Neste estudo de caso investiguei a potencialidade das experiências didático-pedagógicas efetuadas em uma das unidades de Educação Complementar situadas na cidade de Araraquara-SP, o Programa de Educação Complementar (PEC) “Profº Henrique Scabello”, no que se refere ao favorecimento de capital cultural desta instituição a seus alunos. Trata-se de uma pesquisa quantitativa e qualitativa fundamentada nos preceitos de Pierre Bourdieu, sobretudo na noção de capital cultural, cujos procedimentos de coleta e análise foram observação direta, entrevista semiestruturada e análise de documentos. De modo geral, foram observadas 115 horas das experiências desenvolvidas no âmbito da unidade, divididas da seguinte forma: 96 horas em oficinas e 19 horas em espaços como refeitório, corredores e reuniões pedagógicas. As entrevistas foram realizadas com 9 professores (5 pertencentes ao PEC propriamente dito e 4 que trabalham na Escola Municipal de Ensino Fundamental “Profº Henrique Scabello”), 2 agentes educacionais e a coordenadora (todos do PEC), bem como 8 alunos de ambas as instituições. Os documentos analisados foram o Projeto Político Pedagógico da Educação Complementar, fotos, trabalhos dos alunos, documentos de projetos desenvolvidos no PEC em 2010, anotações de professores denominadas ‘bolinhos’ e pesquisas que explicam fenômenos educacionais por meio da noção de capital cultural. Ao final deste trabalho, constatei, sobretudo, que os resultados positivos que essa política pública educacional visa proporcionar a seus alunos são inviabilizados nesta unidade, uma vez que tal proposta é contestada no âmbito das representações da maioria dos sujeitos e das práticas didático-pedagógicas que regularmente são substituídas por ‘aulas livres’. Dessa forma, tal política que, do ponto de vista formal... / In this case study, the capability of didactic-pedagogical experiences, acquired in one of the Complementary Education units located at the city of Araraquara, State of São Paulo, Brazil, PEC (Complementary Education Programme) “Profº Henrique Scabello”, is investigated concerning the transfer of cultural capital by that institution to its students. This is a quantitative and qualitative research work based on Pierre Bourdieu, especially the notion of cultural capital, whose procedures for data collection and analysis were the direct observation, semi-structured interviews, and document analyses. In general terms, I observed 115 hours of the developed experiences within the scope of the unit divided in the following way: 96 hours spent within workshops and 19 hours spent in places such as the cafeteria, school halls and pedagogical meetings. The interviews were carried out with 9 teachers, among whom there were 5 from the PEC unit referred above and the remaining 4 teachers worked in the Regular Public System at Escola Municipal de Ensino Fundamental “Profº Henrique Scabello”; 2 educational agents and the coordinator, all from PEC, as well as 8 students from both institutions. The analyzed documents came from the Political Pedagogical Project of Complementary Education, pictures, student assignments, documents from projects developed at PEC in 2010, teacher’s notes also known as “bolinhos”, and research work dealing with educational phenomena by means of the notion of cultural capital. It was noticed that the positive results this public educational politics could provide to its students are not feasible in this institution, since this proposal is contested in relation to the majority of the individuals’ representations who do not accordingly apply the principles stated in that document which are replaced by... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

Orientador: Marilda da Silva / Banca: Vera Teresa Valdemarin / Banca: Luciana Maria Giovanni / Resumo: Neste estudo de caso investiguei a potencialidade das experiências didático-pedagógicas efetuadas em uma das unidades de Educação Complementar situadas na cidade de Araraquara-SP, o Programa de Educação Complementar (PEC) "Profº Henrique Scabello", no que se refere ao favorecimento de capital cultural desta instituição a seus alunos. Trata-se de uma pesquisa quantitativa e qualitativa fundamentada nos preceitos de Pierre Bourdieu, sobretudo na noção de capital cultural, cujos procedimentos de coleta e análise foram observação direta, entrevista semiestruturada e análise de documentos. De modo geral, foram observadas 115 horas das experiências desenvolvidas no âmbito da unidade, divididas da seguinte forma: 96 horas em oficinas e 19 horas em espaços como refeitório, corredores e reuniões pedagógicas. As entrevistas foram realizadas com 9 professores (5 pertencentes ao PEC propriamente dito e 4 que trabalham na Escola Municipal de Ensino Fundamental "Profº Henrique Scabello"), 2 agentes educacionais e a coordenadora (todos do PEC), bem como 8 alunos de ambas as instituições. Os documentos analisados foram o Projeto Político Pedagógico da Educação Complementar, fotos, trabalhos dos alunos, documentos de projetos desenvolvidos no PEC em 2010, anotações de professores denominadas 'bolinhos' e pesquisas que explicam fenômenos educacionais por meio da noção de capital cultural. Ao final deste trabalho, constatei, sobretudo, que os resultados positivos que essa política pública educacional visa proporcionar a seus alunos são inviabilizados nesta unidade, uma vez que tal proposta é contestada no âmbito das representações da maioria dos sujeitos e das práticas didático-pedagógicas que regularmente são substituídas por 'aulas livres'. Dessa forma, tal política que, do ponto de vista formal... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: In this case study, the capability of didactic-pedagogical experiences, acquired in one of the Complementary Education units located at the city of Araraquara, State of São Paulo, Brazil, PEC (Complementary Education Programme) "Profº Henrique Scabello", is investigated concerning the transfer of cultural capital by that institution to its students. This is a quantitative and qualitative research work based on Pierre Bourdieu, especially the notion of cultural capital, whose procedures for data collection and analysis were the direct observation, semi-structured interviews, and document analyses. In general terms, I observed 115 hours of the developed experiences within the scope of the unit divided in the following way: 96 hours spent within workshops and 19 hours spent in places such as the cafeteria, school halls and pedagogical meetings. The interviews were carried out with 9 teachers, among whom there were 5 from the PEC unit referred above and the remaining 4 teachers worked in the Regular Public System at Escola Municipal de Ensino Fundamental "Profº Henrique Scabello"; 2 educational agents and the coordinator, all from PEC, as well as 8 students from both institutions. The analyzed documents came from the Political Pedagogical Project of Complementary Education, pictures, student assignments, documents from projects developed at PEC in 2010, teacher's notes also known as "bolinhos", and research work dealing with educational phenomena by means of the notion of cultural capital. It was noticed that the positive results this public educational politics could provide to its students are not feasible in this institution, since this proposal is contested in relation to the majority of the individuals' representations who do not accordingly apply the principles stated in that document which are replaced by... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

abstract: The topos of home is fraught with ideological baggage. This piece works alongside others that labor to rework home as a space for rhetorical topos. I spend the majority of my text analyzing three books from which I explicate the topos of "home." These books are Mike Rose's 1989 work Lives on the Boundary: A Moving Account of the Struggles and Achievements of American's Educational Underclass, Victor Villanueva's 1993 Bootstraps: From and American Academic of Color, and Ellen Cushman's 1998 The Struggle and the Tools: Oral and Literate Strategies in an Inner City Community. I've chosen these books for two interrelated reasons. First, these texts aided in establishing working-class rhetoric as a field of study within the paradigm of rhetoric and composition. And second, in their individual ways, each of these books is anchored in a profound sense of "home." Each of the texts also experiments and resists scholarly conventions to include some autobiographical passages. Central to these passages is the topos of home, a theme that both enriches the author's autobiographical account and informs his or her theory forwarded in that work. These features add fruitful theory building to both the authors' individual texts and the paradigm as a whole. I ground my work in working-class theory, analyzing the work of Steve Parks, Nick Pollard and Nancy Welch, alongside scholarship that analyzes those labeled as "other" in higher-level academia. The stories that Parks, Pollard and Welch quote, the works of Rose, Villanueva, Cushman and even myself, all work toward discussing and creating not only a "home" for working-class academics but also room for more working-class research and theory-building. As I argue in this project, through these very acts of rhetorical/scholarly experimentation, Rose, Villanueva, and Cushman defied conventional standards for what counts as "good scholarship" in order to initiate a scholarly trajectory for working-class rhetoric in the academy. These authors' discussions of the "home" -specifically personal and political references to working-class homes--were instrumental tools in creating a public homeplace and space for further working-class theory building for rhetoricians in our field. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. English 2012

Levantamento e análise de uma Vila Operária de 1924 da cidade de Salto, Estado de São Paulo. Demonstração dos elementos de composição da implantação identificando os modelos de urbanização vinculados a correntes ideológicas e da arquitetura da época de construção da Vila Operária Brasital. Análise de modelos de urbanização da cidade industrial através do desenho identificando os elementos de urbanização, semelhanças e dessemelhanças. A unidade de vizinhança como elemento estruturador da cidade e a necessidade de seu dimensionamento. O Direito de Parcelar. / Survey and analysis of a vila (group of similar houses) built for industrial workers in the city of Salto, State of São Paulo. Demonstration of the composition elements of implementation related to ideological and architectural trends at the time of construction of the Vila Operária Brasital. Analysis of industrial citys urbanization models through drawings, identifying the urbanization elements, similarities and dissimilarities. The neighborhood unit as the citys structural element and the need to size it up. The Right of Land Split.

This study is about British working-class fiction in the post-war period. It covers various authors such as Robert Tressell, George Orwell, Walter Greenwood, Lewis Grassic Gibbon and DH Lawrence from the early twentieth century; writers traditionally classified as 'Angry Young Men' like John Osborne, Arnold Wesker, Shelagh Delaney, John Wain and Kingsley Amis; and working-class novelists like John Braine, Stan Barstow, David Storey, Alan Sillitoe and Barry Hines from the 1950s and 1960s. Some of the main issues dealt with in the course of this study are language, form, community, self/identity/autobiography, sexuality and relationship with bourgeois art. The major argument centres on two questions: representation of working-class life, and the relationship between working-class literary tradition and dominant ideologies. We will be arguing that while working-class fiction succeeded in challenging and rupturing bourgeois literary tradition, on the level of language and linguistic medium of expression for example, it utterly failed to break away from dominant, bourgeois modes of literary production in relation to form, for instance. Our argument is situated within Marxist approaches to literature, a political and aesthetic position from which we attempt an analysis and an evaluation of this working-class literary tradition. These critical approaches provide us also with the theoretical tool to define the political perspective of this tradition, and to judge whether it was confined to a descriptive mode of representation or located in a radical, political outlook.

D.Com. (Industrial Psychology) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

The study focusses on the phenomenon of 'working-class conservatism', support for right-wing or centre parties on the part of certain segments of the working-class. This mode of voting behaviour is analysed in three West European countries; Great Britain, West Germany and Italy. In the introduction a number of explanations are examined which could conceivably account for the phenomenon. It is suggested that explanations centred around the notion of 'embourgeoisement' of the working-class (the process whereby 'affluent' workers come to identify with the middle-class thus voting 'conservative') contain certain weaknesses. It is argued that immediate subcultural influences such as the family, the church and the work-place are still most important in explaining the working-class vote for 'conservative' parties. An explanatory model is developed which emphasizes the influence of a worker's social environment as the chief determinant of his voting behaviour. Hypotheses derived from this model, as well as alternative hypotheses related to the 'embourgeoisement' argument are tested through secondary analysis of survey data collected in the late 1950's and early 1960's. The results of the study suggest that in all three countries 'working-class conservatism' can be explained largely in terms of the subcultural influences outlined in the model. Level of income attained by workers may have some independent effect in West Germany and Great Britain. In these two countries conservative parties are somewhat more successful in retaining the loyalties of conservative workers in the low and high income categories compared to those in the medium categories. However this does not mean a confirmation of the 'embourgeoisement1 argument. Most 'affluent conservative workers', it is argued, arrived at their conservative voting identity via early parental socialization. There are few defectors from left-wing parties to conservative parties among 'left' workers who attain a high level of income. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This study was designed to probe the experience of white collar unemployment. Some research results suggest that white collar people have an easier time with unemployment than do blue collar people while other findings suggest the contrary. A questionnaire format instrument was designed to record self-reported changes of an affective and behavioural nature in a sample of 66 white collar and 24 blue collar unemployed adults. It was hypothesized that on the whole, the blue collar sample would report a more difficult response to unemployment than the white collar sample. It was further hypothesized that after an unspecified period of time the unemployed white collar sample would become passive and depressed. Twelve variables focusing on learned helplessness, self-esteem, depression, locus of control, social interaction, time structure, personal meaning and perceived measures of health and finances were recorded and intercorrelated in this relationship study. Correlation matrices were constructed for the general sample, the white collar and the blue collar sub-samples. Reliability and validity coefficients of the instrument were calculated on each variable and were found to be acceptable for the purpose of this study. The relationships among the variables supported the notion that generally, the people in the blue collar unemployed sample experienced more difficulty with unemployment than did those people in the white collar sample. The white collar sample subjects did not, however, show a significant disposition toward passivity and depression as a function of time. Instead, the data suggested the presence of a second white collar subgroup who appeared to be experiencing great personal difficulties regardless of the duration of their unemployment. It was suggested that the appearance of a bi-modal white collar sample was the result of the sampling technique, and further that these results may reflect the state of the real world. This position is offered as a possible justification for the contradictory white collar unemployment findings in the past. / Education, Faculty of / Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education (ECPS), Department of / Graduate

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