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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The sailors in the British Navy during the Napoleonic Wars are largely unknown to us. This thesis explores their worldview, as revealed through songs, memoirs, plays and broadsides. Through interactions with women and working-class men on shore and officers at sea, these men developed a collective identity rooted in working class masculinity. Ultimately, this thesis refutes the idea that sailors occupied a world completely removed from land and were, rather, actively influenced by ideologies and culture on shore.

This dissertation examines how European and American banking institutions catering to middle- and working-class people sought to mobilize their capital to challenge the predominant model of international financial capitalism during the interwar years. Focusing on four sets of financial institutions whose identities were intimately linked with the “popular” clientele they served—savings banks, cooperative banks, trade union banks, and their communist analogues—I chart how influential actors within these institutions engaged in transnational efforts to challenge the entrenched position of private banks in international finance, though in pursuit of divergent political and commercial objectives. Drawing upon politicized attitudes towards popular capital and motivated by the opportunities and pressures of post-World War I internationalism, they attempted to build parallel institutional channels that could mobilize the modest financial assets of the masses to compete with or even displace capitalist banking. This study reconstructs formal and informal networks of debate and activism in which savings bankers, cooperators, and labor activists developed projects for international financial action based on popular ownership and participation. To uncover these networks, I draw on an eclectic range of sources including national and international archives, periodicals produced by syndical, cooperative, communist, and savings bank movements, and private correspondence of American and European leaders in these movements. I argue for a more capacious understanding of the political valence of financialization in this period. Far from being accepted as a neutral outcome of economic development, lamented as a depoliticizing penetration of capitalist logic into the social life of the masses, or turned to narrowly nationalistic ends, popular financial ownership—whether by individuals or institutions claiming to represent them—was recognized as a foundation on which to enact transnational solidarity. However, the political content of this solidarity varied considerably between these projects of international popular finance. Some of them sought to moralize capitalism within liberal or fascist political structures, while others aimed to strengthen cooperative or socialist alternatives. My dissertation presents an institutional history of projects of popular financial power and their limits which will be of interest to scholars of modern Europe and the U.S., international institutions, transnationalism, and global capitalism. I also hope to offer historical perspective on ongoing debates about the potential for collective action by workers, consumers, and investors in our own financialized era.

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[pt] O presente texto visa discutir as transformações no mundo do trabalho e na classe trabalhadora, em especial durante a crise mundial capitalista dos anos 70/80. Entendendo o movimento punk como um importante elemento que pode nos dar pistas desse processo no âmbito da cultura. Nossa hipótese é que este movimento foi ao mesmo tempo um sintoma e um agente. Um sintoma de uma classe operária em desagregação: da transição do trabalho operário chão de fábrica como força hegemônica, para a hegemonia do setor terciário: do setor de serviços, da informalidade, do subemprego, do que alguns vão chamar de precariado urbano. No entanto, esse movimento também se estabelece como um agente ativo, em especial no que tange o debate em torno de uma agência em relação à disciplina do trabalho capitalista e no caso brasileiro, uma agência dos de baixo (por meio da arte, música, cultura) em oposição à ditadura-empresarial-civil-militar em sua etapa final. Focaremos para tal, no movimento da cidade de São Paulo e do ABC paulista, bem como sua relação com a classe operária de São Paulo. Para tanto, utilizaremos fontes primárias, por meio de elementos da História oral, entrevistando participantes do movimento punk paulista e do ABC. Recorreremos também aos arquivos sobre movimento punk do CEDIC (Centro de Documentação Científica da PUC SP), contendo fanzines, discos, correspondências, etc. Utilizaremos também, como ferramenta, a análise de canções e poesias punks do período, tendo como importante elemento conceitual as concepções de agência e experiência presentes na obra do historiador inglês Edward Palmer Thompson. Ainda como aporte teórico utilizaremos algumas produções de livros e artigos a respeito do punk no Brasil e no mundo. / [en] This text aims to discuss transformations in the world of work and the working class, especially during the capitalist world crisis of the 1970s and 1980s. Understanding the punk movement as an important element that can give us clues of this process within the culture. Our hypothesis is that this movement was both a symptom and an agent. A symptom of a disintegrating working class to the work of an urban precarious. However, this movement also establishes itself as an active agent, especially in what concerns the debate around an agency in relation to the discipline of capitalist labor. We will focus on the movement of the city of São Paulo and the ABC of São Paulo, as well as its relationship with the working class of São Paulo. To do so, we will use primary sources, through elements of oral history, interviewing participants of the São Paulo punk movement and ABC. We will also visit the archives about punk movement of CEDIC (Center of Scientific Documentation of PUC SP), containing fanzines, discs, correspondences, etc. We will also use, as a tool, the analysis of punk songs and poems of the period, having as important conceptual element the conceptions of agency and experience present in the work of the English historian Edward Palmer Thompson. Still as a theoretical contribution, we will use some productions of books and articles about punk in Brazil and in the world.

From the 1850s Glasgow was a major industrial, commercial and mercantile city, with notoriously poor working-class housing. During the 1915 Rent Strike many women physically resisted rent increases and prevented evictions from the tenements. The strikes ended when the Government passed the Rent Restrictions Act 1915, which returned rents to pre-war levels. This was in response to a political and working-class struggle that challenged the rule of law. Rather than focussing narrowly on the role of the women alone, or on the strike as inspiration for anti-capitalist resistance, the 2015 Centenary seemed opportune to examine why the Rent Strike was successful, its place in the longer struggle for decent housing, the role of the Independent Labour Party (ILP) and its leaders, and their collaborations with labour and women’s organisations. From the 1890s the ILP was central to labour’s campaign in elections and in fostering political collaboration with many groups representing labour. John Wheatley and Patrick Dollan, former miners, were leaders in strengthening the ILP organisation and its community relations. This collaborative structure supported the women leading the rent resistance in the tenements. It was also the platform for Wheatley and Dollan, nationally and municipally, to continue their life-long work to improve the housing and living standards of working people. Wheatley became Minister of Health in 1924 in Britain’s first Labour Government, and Dollan was Lord Provost in Glasgow’s first majority Labour Council in 1938. Glasgow’s systemic anti-Irish and anti-Catholic prejudice has, surprisingly, remained unexamined in relation to the Rent Strike. Two historians claimed, without presenting evidence, that bigotry was overcome or briefly transcended. The evidence reviewed here indicated that it did not go away, but that it had no impact on the Rent Strike as it simply offered no stimulus or opportunity to express the existing racist or religious prejudice. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA) / Glasgow, with notoriously poor working-class housing, was a major centre in 1915 for British engineering, munitions and shipbuilding industries during the First World War. Women who lived in Glasgow’s tenements organised rent strikes and physically resisted rent increases and evictions. They were supported by the Independent Labour Party and the collaborations it developed before and during the war with organisations representing the interests of women and labour. These strikes, the rent agitations in England, and the threat of industrial action in Glasgow, forced the Government to pass the Rent Restrictions Act 1915, which limited rents to pre-war levels. Two former miners, John Wheatley and Patrick Dollan, were leaders in organising this class victory. They recognised the Act’s limitations and then worked nationally and municipally in the longer struggle for better working-class housing. Glasgow’s systemic anti-Irish and anti-Catholic bigotry did not disappear but played no significant role during the Rent Strike.